Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n![\"ronasina\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/ffcf692a-ronasina-columnist-bm-new-200524-1.webp\")
Saya masih ingat lagi ketika lagu Beat It nyanyian Michael Jackson meletup. Ini fenomena satu dunia sehinggakan anak Cina baya saya yang selalu dilihat berkungfu di kejiranan, tiba-tiba menari dan membuat ‘moonwalk’ sambil menyanyi ‘pitit, pitit’ (Beat it). Kami juga begitu, di sekolah atau di padang membincangkan tentang Beat It dan Michael Jackson sehinggalah lagu lain seperti Thriller dan Billie Jean. Apa, ingat budak Bentong tak faham bahasa Inggeris?
\nLagu Beat It bergema di mana-mana ‘ketika itu’. Di pasar raya, pasar malam dan di majlis-majlis. Saya gunakan tanda kutip pada perkataan ‘ketika itu’ kerana memang perasaan dan semangat waktu mendengar lagu tersebut pada masa itu, tidak akan sama lagi kalau mendengarnya hari ini. Seperti mendengar intro gesekan gitar Fantasia Bulan Madu atau kehangatan Isabella dendangan Search, juga Suci Dalam Debu (Iklim) dan Janji Manismu (Aishah) pada era kemuncaknya, tak akan sama keterujaannya lagi jika mendengarnya hari ini. Inilah yang dikatakan ‘zeitgeist’ (semangat zaman).
\nBarangkali jualan kaset Michael Jackson di Malaysia pada era yang hangat itu menjangkau hingga satu juta unit, kerana Michael Jackson diminati pelbagai lapisan umur dan kaum. Saya pasti tauke cetak rompak jadi kaya-raya dek penangan Michael Jackson yang berjaya menawan dunia. Tak mustahil, malah saya sangat pasti.
\nMinggu lepas saya menonton filem berjudul Michael – (arahan Antoine Fuqua dan ditulis oleh John Logan) untuk merasai semula demam Michael Jackson yang pernah menyerang dahulu. Michael, bagi saya adalah seorang seniman unik yang penuh misteri. Banyak kisah panas tentangnya yang selalu saya baca. Pasti sedikit-sebanyak akan terjawab dalam filem ini, fikir saya.
\nFilem Michael dimulakan dengan zaman kanak-kanak dia bersama abang-abangnya dikerah oleh bapa mereka untuk menyanyi dan membuat persembahan pentas. Michael sebagai penyanyi utama di baris hadapan yang pemalu disuruh oleh bapanya agar sentiasa memandang ke hadapan, bukan menunduk. Joe Jackson (bapa Michael) membalun Michael dengan tali pinggang jika Michael tak mahu berlatih. Sebagai kanak-kanak, adakala dia kelelahan dengan jadual yang ketat tetapi bapanya tak peduli. Bapanya lebih mementingkan nyanyian berbanding ke sekolah. Ibu Michael adalah teman Michael yang setia menonton televisyen bersama. Michael mengadu kepada emaknya yang dia tidak berkesempatan menikmati zaman bermain dengan kanak-kanak sebayanya sebab jadual latihan persembahan yang diatur oleh bapanya sangat padat. Dia tiada kawan.
\nTetapi Katherine Jackson (emaknya) meyakinkan Michael bahawa dia anak yang berbeza dan sangat berbakat. Michael sejuk hati dan amat menghargai kata-kata perangsang ibunya itu.
\nMichael, dalam sibuk menghiburkan orang lain bersama abang-abangnya (kumpulan Jackson 5), dia sendiri tertekan. Michael hanya bermain dengan haiwan peliharaannya sahaja. Masa senggangnya dia membaca buku cerita dan sangat terpesona dengan Neverland, sebuah pulau fantasi didiami sekumpulan kanak-kanak bergelar The Lost Boys dalam kisah dongeng Peter Pan.
\nKalau kita peminat Michael Jackson pastilah filem ini cukup seronok ditonton kerana dapat melihat bagaimana Michael berjaya meniti kemasyhuran menawan dunia hiburan sebagai penyanyi solo dengan keunikan persembahannya dan keberaniannya mencuba perkara baharu. Lihat sahaja video muzik dan filem pendek untuk lagu-lagunya, begitu mahal dan ‘sedap’. Video muzik Thriller, Billie Jean, Black Or White atau Heal The World antara yang membuat Michael menjadi besar. Filem ini juga berupaya mengembalikan kenangan bagi generasi yang membesar pada zaman tersebut.
\nTidak dinafikan, filem ini menghiburkan. Dari sudut teknikal, memang filem Michael ini amat mengagumkan. Sinematografi, rekaan produksi dan babak persembahan berjaya menghidupkan semula aura pentas yang pernah mendefinisikannya sebagai seorang bintang hebat. Jaafar Jackson yang memerankan watak Michael layak menerima pujian kerana dia berjaya meyakinkan kita bahawa Michael Jackson seolah-olah masih hidup. Sebagai anak saudara, sudah pastilah Jaafar lebih mirip kerana ada DNA keturunan Jackson mengalir di dalamnya. Riak wajah, gerak tubuh, malah kelincahan tarian Jaafar saling tak tumpah macam Michael. Dan, tak keterlaluan jika saya merasakan bahawa Jaafar juga adalah penyelamat filem ini di mana jalan ceritanya juga saya kira dimainkan secara selamat (play safe).
\nBagi saya – naratif filem ini bergerak secara mendatar, dari satu kejayaan ke kejayaan berikutnya tanpa berhenti sejenak untuk kita sempat menyelami betul-betul konflik Michael dengan lebih dalam. Kita dipertontonkan dengan pantas bagaimana Michael naik dengan mudah. Pesaing terdekat Michael iaitu Prince pun hanya disebut sekali lalu sahaja. Bahkan, persaingan antara Michael dan Prince juga saya kira menarik juga jika dijadikan bahan cerita.
\nTekanan psikologi dan dilema identiti yang dihadapi oleh Michael hanya berkisar pada kongkongan bapanya sahaja. Keterasingan dirinya dalam riuh-rendah sorakan peminat dan silauan lampu kemasyhuran tidak cukup membuat saya rasa tersiksa. Tidak seperti melihat sepinya Freddie Mercury dalam filem Bohemian Rhapsody (Bryan Singer 2018) atau kesengsaraan Elvis Presley dalam filem Elvis (Bahz Luhrmann 2022). Menonton filem Michael terasa seperti menonton sebuah sorotan (highlight reel) di YouTube yang memfokuskan momen penting tanpa perlu banyak beremosi.
\nKecederaan dialami Michael ketika penggambaran iklan Pepsi juga tak cukup berkesan seakan kebakaran di rambutnya tidaklah teruk sangat. Kalaulah insiden itu benar-benar membuat moral dan semangatnya terjejas, ia harus dibuat dengan lebih tragik lagi.
\nTidak mengapa jika filem ini berhenti setakat Michael bertindak berani – membuat pengumuman mengejut di pentas dengan menyatakan itu adalah persembahan terakhirnya bersama The Jackson 5 demi mahu melepaskan diri daripada kekangan bapanya. Ini bahagian pertama agaknya. Khabarnya filem ini ada sekuelnya nanti. Mungkin bahagian kedua filem ini nanti akan ada kisah percintaan dengan Lisa Marie Presley, keakraban dengan pelakon kanak-kanak Macaulay Culkin dan jelitawan Brooke Shields serta kontroversi yang lainnya. Atau mungkin ada sedikit kisah tentang usaha Michael berganding dengan Lionel Ritchie membuat lagu We Are The World. Saya haraplah.
\nSedikit mengecewakan saya ialah tiadanya watak Janet Jackson dalam filem ini. Difahamkan, adiknya itu sendiri menolak secara baik untuk tidak terlibat. Pendirian itu wajar dihormati. Namun, dari sudut penceritaan, ia tetap meninggalkan ruang kosong yang menjadikan kelancarannya sedikit lari. Tapi apa nak buat, filem hanyalah filem, ia adalah sebuah dunia di lain dimensi. Ia bukan kesempurnaan realiti seperti yang kita hajatkan.
\nDi dunia sebenar, Michael Jackson tiada duanya. Dia bukan setakat menyanyi dan menari tetapi merupakan seorang pemikir yang sentiasa mempunyai misi. Dia merealisasikan apa yang difikirkan di dalam kepalanya dengan penuh yakin dan berani, kerana itulah Michael Jackson menjadi seorang maestro.
\nApa pun, filem Michael ini bagi saya adalah sebuah ‘biopic’ yang sangat memberi inspirasi. Ia berbaloi untuk ditonton. Marah pula peminat setia Michael nanti dengan pandangan saya. Tetapi, saya tetap seronok melayan filem ini. Sorakan penonton yang hebat, jerit tangis peminat lelaki atau perempuan; histeria, lembik dan pengsan yang dipaparkan di dalam filem ini adalah realiti yang akan sentiasa terpahat di dalam otak generasi zaman kami. Tak dapat dinafikan, generasi kami bangga dengan Michael. Michael adalah ‘teman’ di dalam rumah kami ketika kami meniti remaja. Dia adalah megastar yang pernah menawan manusia seluruh dunia! Dia adalah legenda!
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Saya masih ingat lagi ketika lagu Beat It nyanyian Michael Jackson meletup. Ini fenomena satu dunia sehinggakan anak Cina baya saya yang selalu dilihat berkungfu di kejiranan, tiba-tiba menari dan membuat 'moonwalk' sambil menyanyi ‘pitit, pitit’ (Beat it). Kami juga begitu, di sekolah atau di padang membincangkan tentang Beat It dan Michael Jackson sehinggalah lagu lain seperti Thriller dan Billie Jean. Apa, ingat budak Bentong tak faham bahasa Inggeris?\nLagu Beat It bergema di mana-mana ‘ketika itu’. Di pasar raya, pasar malam dan di majlis-majlis. Saya gunakan tanda kutip pada perkataan 'ketika itu' kerana memang perasaan dan semangat waktu mendengar lagu tersebut pada masa itu, tidak akan sama lagi kalau mendengarnya hari ini. Seperti mendengar intro gesekan gitar Fantasia Bulan Madu atau kehangatan Isabella dendangan Search, juga Suci Dalam Debu (Iklim) dan Janji Manismu (Aishah) pada era kemuncaknya, tak akan sama keterujaannya lagi jika mendengarnya hari ini. Inilah yang dikatakan ‘zeitgeist’ (semangat zaman).\nBarangkali jualan kaset Michael Jackson di Malaysia pada era yang hangat itu menjangkau hingga satu juta unit, kerana Michael Jackson diminati pelbagai lapisan umur dan kaum. Saya pasti tauke cetak rompak jadi kaya-raya dek penangan Michael Jackson yang berjaya menawan dunia. Tak mustahil, malah saya sangat pasti.\nMinggu lepas saya menonton filem berjudul Michael - (arahan Antoine Fuqua dan ditulis oleh John Logan) untuk merasai semula demam Michael Jackson yang pernah menyerang dahulu. Michael, bagi saya adalah seorang seniman unik yang penuh misteri. Banyak kisah panas tentangnya yang selalu saya baca. Pasti sedikit-sebanyak akan terjawab dalam filem ini, fikir saya.\nFilem Michael dimulakan dengan zaman kanak-kanak dia bersama abang-abangnya dikerah oleh bapa mereka untuk menyanyi dan membuat persembahan pentas. Michael sebagai penyanyi utama di baris hadapan yang pemalu disuruh oleh bapanya agar sentiasa memandang ke hadapan, bukan menunduk. Joe Jackson (bapa Michael) membalun Michael dengan tali pinggang jika Michael tak mahu berlatih. Sebagai kanak-kanak, adakala dia kelelahan dengan jadual yang ketat tetapi bapanya tak peduli. Bapanya lebih mementingkan nyanyian berbanding ke sekolah. Ibu Michael adalah teman Michael yang setia menonton televisyen bersama. Michael mengadu kepada emaknya yang dia tidak berkesempatan menikmati zaman bermain dengan kanak-kanak sebayanya sebab jadual latihan persembahan yang diatur oleh bapanya sangat padat. Dia tiada kawan.\nTetapi Katherine Jackson (emaknya) meyakinkan Michael bahawa dia anak yang berbeza dan sangat berbakat. Michael sejuk hati dan amat menghargai kata-kata perangsang ibunya itu.\nMichael, dalam sibuk menghiburkan orang lain bersama abang-abangnya (kumpulan Jackson 5), dia sendiri tertekan. Michael hanya bermain dengan haiwan peliharaannya sahaja. Masa senggangnya dia membaca buku cerita dan sangat terpesona dengan Neverland, sebuah pulau fantasi didiami sekumpulan kanak-kanak bergelar The Lost Boys dalam kisah dongeng Peter Pan.\nKalau kita peminat Michael Jackson pastilah filem ini cukup seronok ditonton kerana dapat melihat bagaimana Michael berjaya meniti kemasyhuran menawan dunia hiburan sebagai penyanyi solo dengan keunikan persembahannya dan keberaniannya mencuba perkara baharu. Lihat sahaja video muzik dan filem pendek untuk lagu-lagunya, begitu mahal dan ‘sedap’. Video muzik Thriller, Billie Jean, Black Or White atau Heal The World antara yang membuat Michael menjadi besar. Filem ini juga berupaya mengembalikan kenangan bagi generasi yang membesar pada zaman tersebut.\nTidak dinafikan, filem ini menghiburkan. Dari sudut teknikal, memang filem Michael ini amat mengagumkan. Sinematografi, rekaan produksi dan babak persembahan berjaya menghidupkan semula aura pentas yang pernah mendefinisikannya sebagai seorang bintang hebat. Jaafar Jackson yang memerankan watak Michael layak menerima pujian kerana dia berjaya meyakinkan kita bahawa Michael Jackson seolah-olah masih hidup. Sebagai anak saudara, sudah pastilah Jaafar lebih mirip kerana ada DNA keturunan Jackson mengalir di dalamnya. Riak wajah, gerak tubuh, malah kelincahan tarian Jaafar saling tak tumpah macam Michael. Dan, tak keterlaluan jika saya merasakan bahawa Jaafar juga adalah penyelamat filem ini di mana jalan ceritanya juga saya kira dimainkan secara selamat (play safe).\nBagi saya - naratif filem ini bergerak secara mendatar, dari satu kejayaan ke kejayaan berikutnya tanpa berhenti sejenak untuk kita sempat menyelami betul-betul konflik Michael dengan lebih dalam. Kita dipertontonkan dengan pantas bagaimana Michael naik dengan mudah. Pesaing terdekat Michael iaitu Prince pun hanya disebut sekali lalu sahaja. Bahkan, persaingan antara Michael dan Prince juga saya kira menarik juga jika dijadikan bahan cerita.\nTekanan psikologi dan dilema identiti yang dihadapi oleh Michael hanya berkisar pada kongkongan bapanya sahaja. Keterasingan dirinya dalam riuh-rendah sorakan peminat dan silauan lampu kemasyhuran tidak cukup membuat saya rasa tersiksa. Tidak seperti melihat sepinya Freddie Mercury dalam filem Bohemian Rhapsody (Bryan Singer 2018) atau kesengsaraan Elvis Presley dalam filem Elvis (Bahz Luhrmann 2022). Menonton filem Michael terasa seperti menonton sebuah sorotan (highlight reel) di YouTube yang memfokuskan momen penting tanpa perlu banyak beremosi.\nKecederaan dialami Michael ketika penggambaran iklan Pepsi juga tak cukup berkesan seakan kebakaran di rambutnya tidaklah teruk sangat. Kalaulah insiden itu benar-benar membuat moral dan semangatnya terjejas, ia harus dibuat dengan lebih tragik lagi.\nTidak mengapa jika filem ini berhenti setakat Michael bertindak berani - membuat pengumuman mengejut di pentas dengan menyatakan itu adalah persembahan terakhirnya bersama The Jackson 5 demi mahu melepaskan diri daripada kekangan bapanya. Ini bahagian pertama agaknya. Khabarnya filem ini ada sekuelnya nanti. Mungkin bahagian kedua filem ini nanti akan ada kisah percintaan dengan Lisa Marie Presley, keakraban dengan pelakon kanak-kanak Macaulay Culkin dan jelitawan Brooke Shields serta kontroversi yang lainnya. Atau mungkin ada sedikit kisah tentang usaha Michael berganding dengan Lionel Ritchie membuat lagu We Are The World. Saya haraplah.\nSedikit mengecewakan saya ialah tiadanya watak Janet Jackson dalam filem ini. Difahamkan, adiknya itu sendiri menolak secara baik untuk tidak terlibat. Pendirian itu wajar dihormati. Namun, dari sudut penceritaan, ia tetap meninggalkan ruang kosong yang menjadikan kelancarannya sedikit lari. Tapi apa nak buat, filem hanyalah filem, ia adalah sebuah dunia di lain dimensi. Ia bukan kesempurnaan realiti seperti yang kita hajatkan.\nDi dunia sebenar, Michael Jackson tiada duanya. Dia bukan setakat menyanyi dan menari tetapi merupakan seorang pemikir yang sentiasa mempunyai misi. Dia merealisasikan apa yang difikirkan di dalam kepalanya dengan penuh yakin dan berani, kerana itulah Michael Jackson menjadi seorang maestro.\nApa pun, filem Michael ini bagi saya adalah sebuah ‘biopic’ yang sangat memberi inspirasi. Ia berbaloi untuk ditonton. Marah pula peminat setia Michael nanti dengan pandangan saya. Tetapi, saya tetap seronok melayan filem ini. Sorakan penonton yang hebat, jerit tangis peminat lelaki atau perempuan; histeria, lembik dan pengsan yang dipaparkan di dalam filem ini adalah realiti yang akan sentiasa terpahat di dalam otak generasi zaman kami. Tak dapat dinafikan, generasi kami bangga dengan Michael. Michael adalah 'teman' di dalam rumah kami ketika kami meniti remaja. Dia adalah megastar yang pernah menawan manusia seluruh dunia! Dia adalah legenda!\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-28T01:00:49.000Z","author":{"name":"Ronasina"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","filem","lagu","legenda","Michael Jackson"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/ffcf692a-ronasina-columnist-bm-new-200524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/ffcf692a-ronasina-columnist-bm-new-200524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/28/the-generation-we-are-misreading-and-what-its-costing-us","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/28/the-generation-we-are-misreading-and-what-its-costing-us","title":"The generation we are misreading – and what it’s costing us","summary":"What comes across as harsh may actually be valuable advice. All we need to do is to see it for what it really is.","content_html":"![\"Azzalea](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/b2489542-azzalea-abdullah-columnist-250226.jpg\")
I’ve been thinking a lot about how some people care, but don’t always sound like they do. It took me years to understand that about my late father.
\nHe wasn’t the kind who said “I’m proud of you” or “it’s okay to cry”. His words were sharp, his actions practical — he’d bring home books by Shakespeare and Dickens, then quiz me on the plot, or test me on math at the most unexpected moments — something that often left me frustrated.
\nThere were also times when he took me on long drives when I wasn’t feeling well, picked me up from the bus station in the rain, saved the last piece of fried chicken for me.
\nDifferent moments, different expressions but it was all the same thing.
\nI just didn’t know it until much later in life — and by then, there wasn’t much time left.
\nMisunderstood generation
\nLately, I’ve been seeing the same pattern play out in the workforce.
\nA friend of mine — a leader from an older generation, often referred to as the “baby boomer” generation — cares deeply about his team. You can see it in the time he gives, the way he steps in when things go wrong, and the accountability he bears for outcomes that aren’t always his alone to carry.
\nAnd yet, his words don’t always land that way — they can come across as abrupt, even harsh. I’ve seen how easily that gets misunderstood.
\nWe’re quick to label it as lack of empathy or a gap in emotional intelligence. But what if it’s something else?
\nMany from that generation were raised in environments where strength meant providing, not expressing — where care was shown through action, not conversation.
\nSometimes, what we hear as harshness is actually protection.
\nWith experience comes what psychology calls pattern recognition — the ability to spot risks early, to sense when something might not end well. When you’ve lived through enough setbacks, your instinct is to step in quickly, to correct, to prevent.
\nIt doesn’t always come out gently.
\nBut underneath, it’s often the same thing: I don’t want you to go through what I did.
\nWe’re seeing a generation of leaders who weren’t given the language — but carried the intention.
\nAnd somewhere between intention and interpretation, we lose each other.
\nMisreading actions
\nWhat concerns me is this: if we continue to read them only through our lens — and don’t learn how to understand them now — we risk missing what they’re actually offering, particularly for the future of leadership in Malaysia.
\nI am referring to the decades of lived experience, resilience, paths walked long before ours and judgement earned through real conditions that no classroom can replicate.
\nThe kind of knowledge that isn’t written down nor can it be taught in a classroom.
\nThis is a generation now nearing the end of their working years.
\n“We can work it out,” as The Beatles once sang.
\nPerhaps the real work isn’t in asking them to change how they speak but in changing how we choose to listen.
\nBecause somewhere between what was said and what was meant, there’s still something worth uncovering.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"I’ve been thinking a lot about how some people care, but don’t always sound like they do. It took me years to understand that about my late father.\nHe wasn’t the kind who said “I’m proud of you” or “it’s okay to cry”. His words were sharp, his actions practical — he’d bring home books by Shakespeare and Dickens, then quiz me on the plot, or test me on math at the most unexpected moments — something that often left me frustrated.\nThere were also times when he took me on long drives when I wasn’t feeling well, picked me up from the bus station in the rain, saved the last piece of fried chicken for me.\nDifferent moments, different expressions but it was all the same thing.\nI just didn’t know it until much later in life — and by then, there wasn’t much time left.\nMisunderstood generation \nLately, I’ve been seeing the same pattern play out in the workforce.\nA friend of mine — a leader from an older generation, often referred to as the “baby boomer” generation — cares deeply about his team. You can see it in the time he gives, the way he steps in when things go wrong, and the accountability he bears for outcomes that aren’t always his alone to carry.\nAnd yet, his words don’t always land that way — they can come across as abrupt, even harsh. I’ve seen how easily that gets misunderstood.\nWe’re quick to label it as lack of empathy or a gap in emotional intelligence. But what if it’s something else?\nMany from that generation were raised in environments where strength meant providing, not expressing — where care was shown through action, not conversation.\nSometimes, what we hear as harshness is actually protection.\nWith experience comes what psychology calls pattern recognition — the ability to spot risks early, to sense when something might not end well. When you’ve lived through enough setbacks, your instinct is to step in quickly, to correct, to prevent.\nIt doesn’t always come out gently.\nBut underneath, it’s often the same thing: I don’t want you to go through what I did.\nWe’re seeing a generation of leaders who weren’t given the language — but carried the intention.\nAnd somewhere between intention and interpretation, we lose each other.\nMisreading actions \nWhat concerns me is this: if we continue to read them only through our lens — and don’t learn how to understand them now — we risk missing what they’re actually offering, particularly for the future of leadership in Malaysia.\nI am referring to the decades of lived experience, resilience, paths walked long before ours and judgement earned through real conditions that no classroom can replicate.\nThe kind of knowledge that isn’t written down nor can it be taught in a classroom.\nThis is a generation now nearing the end of their working years.\n“We can work it out,” as The Beatles once sang.\nPerhaps the real work isn’t in asking them to change how they speak but in changing how we choose to listen.\nBecause somewhere between what was said and what was meant, there’s still something worth uncovering.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-28T00:00:32.000Z","author":{"name":"Azzalea Abdullah"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","accountability","Baby Boomer","emotional intelligence","empathy","harsh","protection"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/b2489542-azzalea-abdullah-columnist-250226.jpg","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/b2489542-azzalea-abdullah-columnist-250226.jpg"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/28/umno-apa-kata-kamu-tinggalkan-kerajaan-perpaduan","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/28/umno-apa-kata-kamu-tinggalkan-kerajaan-perpaduan","title":"Umno…apa kata kamu tinggalkan kerajaan perpaduan?","summary":"Umno yang bertindak tarik sokongan ke atas menteri besar Negeri Sembilan sekali gus Umno yang mengancam kerajaan negeri ala 'Langkah Sheraton'.","content_html":"![\"Mohsin](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp\")
Apa yang berlaku di Negeri Sembilan sudah berlaku. Yang saya nak tahu bagaimana ia boleh berlaku atau dibenarkan berlaku ‘in the first place’.
\nSetiausaha Agung Barisan Nasional, Zambry Abdul Kadir, dipetik portal Malaymail semalam berkata beliau akan merujuk kepimpinan tertinggi gabungan berikutan tindakan 14 Adun Umno/BN Negeri Sembilan menarik sokongan terhadap Aminuddin Harun, menteri besar Negeri Sembilan.
\nSelepas itu baru akan keluarkan kenyataan. Adakah ini bererti beliau ‘was caught off guard’ oleh 14 Adun berkenaan? Lantas terpaksa merujuk pucuk pimpinan tertinggi untuk dapatkan penjelasan atau untuk ambil langkah susulan?
\nAdakah Pengerusi BN Zahid Hamidi tidak tahu apa yang berlaku akan berlaku dan oleh itu ia terus berlaku? Zahid presiden Umno. Empat belas Adun Negeri Sembilan itu orang Umno. Tidakkah mereka memberitahu Zahid terlebih dahulu akan rancangan atau tindakan yang mereka akan ambil?
\nTak ada ‘discuss’ dengan presiden ke? Tahulah beliau timbalan perdana menteri dan sangat sibuk. Tetapi takkan tak dapat cari masa untuk menemui beliau?
\nJika ada jumpa dan bincang apa kata presiden? Adakah beliau merestui? Atau tidak restu tetapi 14 Adun teruskan juga hasrat? Ingkari presiden ke?
\nSetahu saya jika ingkar ada tindakan disiplin yang parti akan diambil? Tak pula kedengaran tindakan akan diambil ke atas 14 Adun itu. Atau mungkin saya seorang je yang tak dengar.
\nBagaimana pula dengan Mohamad Hasan? Beliau merupakan ketua Bahagian Umno Rembau (Negeri Sembilan), ahli Majlis Kerja Tertinggi Umno dan timbalan presiden Umno. Tok Mat anak jati Negeri Sembilan.
\nSebagai orang Umno ‘Nismilan’ tentu beliau ‘kenai’ Adun berkenaan. Kalau tak ‘semuo’ pun tentu ramai. Ada tidak mereka membawa hasrat tarik sokongan daripada menteri besar Negeri Sembilan (orang PKR) dan bincang dengan Tok Mat?
\nMemanglah beliau menteri luar dan tengah sibuk mengikuti perkembangan perang Asia Barat. Tetapi rasanya boleh selit jadualnya untuk bincang sekejap hal poltik. Rasa saya begitulah.
\nSemasa artikel ini ditulis belum ada penjelasan daripada pucuk pimpinan tertinggi Umno. Sama ada Zahid dan Mohamad tahu awal atau memang tidak tahu rancangan mereka, restu atau tidak hakikatnya 14 Adun terbabit sudah bertindak. Mereka orang Umno. Bukan setakat Umno Negeri Sembilan.
\nApabila mereka mengorak langkah ia dilihat sebagai Umno yang mengorak langkah. Umno yang bertindak tarik sokongan ke atas menteri besar. Sekali gus Umno yang mengancam kerajaan negeri ala ‘Langkah Sheraton’.
\n‘The situation is very fluid’. Macam-macam boleh berlaku. Namun, pada hemat saya apabila Adun Umno lakukan apa yang mereka lakukan mereka tahu kesannya – ‘its consequences’. Mereka tahu tindakan mereka boleh menumbangkan kerajaan, dan mereka teruskan juga hasrat.
\nOleh itu, bolehkah dirumuskan memang ada niat menumbangkan kerajaan perpaduan Negeri Sembilan?
\n“Umno NS guna Undang untuk pecat Yang di-Pertuan Besar NS. Targetnya juga hendak jawatan MB. Bila dah makan umpan pancing maka disentapnya joran longlailah PH nyawa2 ikan. Itulah *****nya Umno.” Itu kata seorang bekas orang Umno asal Negeri Sembilan yang masih mengikuti perkembangaan politik tanah air.
\nBerdasarkan apa yang telah dilakukan saya berpendapat elok Umno/BN keluar sahaja daripada kerajaan perpaduan. Bukan sahaja peringkat negeri tetapi juga peringkat persekutuan, kerana Umno ibarat sudah menikam belakang Pakatan Harapan.
\nLantas pada PRU mendatang Umno/BN moleklah bergerak solo (ada kawan kata perkembangan di Negeri Sembilan akan mendorong PMX adakan ‘snap election’ Wallahuaklam). Apa lagi jika PRN Negeri Sembilan diadakan dalam masa terdekat.
\n‘After all’ ada dalam kalangan Umno yang yakin Umno sudah pulih daripada kekecewaan PRU14 dan sekarang sudah cukup kuat untuk takluk Malaysia.
\nJika tidak mahu solo Umno/BN boleh menghidupkan semula Muafakat Nasional bersama PAS. Ramai juga ahli Umno minat bermesra semula dengan PAS. (Di Negeri Sembilan dilaporkan lima Adun Perikatan Nasional yakni tiga PAS dan dua Bersatu sedia kerjasama dengan Adun Umno/BN ‘demi kestabilan politik’ (baca demi tubuh kerajaan?)
\nSemalam, PAS sudah beri bayangan terdapat penjajaran semula parti politik di Negeri Sembilan di tengah penarikan balik sokongan Umno terhadap MB negeri itu.
\n“Tahniah Umno Negeri Sembilan memulakan langkah penyatuan ummah,” kata Ketua Penerangan PAS Ahmad Fadhli Shaari di media sosial tanpa huraian lanjut. Rasanya ramai boleh baca apa yang tersurat dan tersirat.
\nJelas ‘its not only about’ Negeri Sembilan berdasarkan kata-kata itu. Lantas bagi saya ‘all the more reason’ Umno/BN keluarlah daripada kerajaan perpaduan.
\n‘Timing juga perfect for’ Umno. PKR sekarang dilanda krisis dalaman. Diserang oleh ahli sendiri daripada dalam. Tak perlulah saya huraikan kerana semua sudah maklum apa yang sedang berlaku dalam PKR. Kesimpulannya parti itu huru-hara dan dalam keadaan lemah meskipun presidennya memegang jawatan perdana menteri.
\nDAP masih kuat dalam PH tetapi diserang saban hari oleh banyak kumpulan terpaling Melayu termasuk Umno yang menjadikan pelbagai perkara sebagai isu berkait perkauman. Amanah? Masih tidak menunjukkan prestasi diharapakan PH.
\nNamun, ‘its not plain sailing’ juga untuk Umno. Jika bermuafakat nasional sekali lagi dengan PAS ada 1,001 masalah akan timbul. Mereka tahu ini maka tidak perlu saya perincikan.
\nKebanggaan ada kira-kira 6,000 ahli baharu termasuk bekas ahli yang menyertai Umno menerusi inisiatif ‘Rumah Bangsa’ masih belum boleh menjamin kejayaan. Kata seorang bekas aktivis Umno ‘kemasukan 6,000 ahli Umno ini adalah satu aset jentera bukannya jaminan kemenangan.
\nIa membantu dari segi operasi dan moral tetapi faktor penentu tetap terletak pada keupayaan BN untuk memenangi hati pengundi di luar kelompok ahli tegar mereka.
\n“Berbalik apa yang telah dan sedang laku. Bersatu khianati PAS di Perlis. Umno khianati PH di Negeri Sembilan. DNA Bersatu dan Umno/BN rakyat boleh nilai sendiri,” kata seorang pemerhati politik. Beliau pernah menganggotai Umno, berkhidmat untuk pemimpin tinggi parti dan juga orang ‘Nogori’.
\nDan berkata lagi beliau: “Sejarah politik negara membuktikan bahawa landskap ini sangat cair. Rakyat mempunyai ‘rekod prestasi’ setiap parti untuk dinilai – sama ada naratif perjuangan yang dibawa selari dengan tindakan sebenar di lapangan atau sebaliknya.” Pada saya betul kata beliau.
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Apa yang berlaku di Negeri Sembilan sudah berlaku. Yang saya nak tahu bagaimana ia boleh berlaku atau dibenarkan berlaku 'in the first place'.\nSetiausaha Agung Barisan Nasional, Zambry Abdul Kadir, dipetik portal Malaymail semalam berkata beliau akan merujuk kepimpinan tertinggi gabungan berikutan tindakan 14 Adun Umno/BN Negeri Sembilan menarik sokongan terhadap Aminuddin Harun, menteri besar Negeri Sembilan.\nSelepas itu baru akan keluarkan kenyataan. Adakah ini bererti beliau 'was caught off guard' oleh 14 Adun berkenaan? Lantas terpaksa merujuk pucuk pimpinan tertinggi untuk dapatkan penjelasan atau untuk ambil langkah susulan?\nAdakah Pengerusi BN Zahid Hamidi tidak tahu apa yang berlaku akan berlaku dan oleh itu ia terus berlaku? Zahid presiden Umno. Empat belas Adun Negeri Sembilan itu orang Umno. Tidakkah mereka memberitahu Zahid terlebih dahulu akan rancangan atau tindakan yang mereka akan ambil?\nTak ada 'discuss' dengan presiden ke? Tahulah beliau timbalan perdana menteri dan sangat sibuk. Tetapi takkan tak dapat cari masa untuk menemui beliau?\nJika ada jumpa dan bincang apa kata presiden? Adakah beliau merestui? Atau tidak restu tetapi 14 Adun teruskan juga hasrat? Ingkari presiden ke?\nSetahu saya jika ingkar ada tindakan disiplin yang parti akan diambil? Tak pula kedengaran tindakan akan diambil ke atas 14 Adun itu. Atau mungkin saya seorang je yang tak dengar.\nBagaimana pula dengan Mohamad Hasan? Beliau merupakan ketua Bahagian Umno Rembau (Negeri Sembilan), ahli Majlis Kerja Tertinggi Umno dan timbalan presiden Umno. Tok Mat anak jati Negeri Sembilan.\nSebagai orang Umno 'Nismilan' tentu beliau 'kenai' Adun berkenaan. Kalau tak 'semuo' pun tentu ramai. Ada tidak mereka membawa hasrat tarik sokongan daripada menteri besar Negeri Sembilan (orang PKR) dan bincang dengan Tok Mat?\nMemanglah beliau menteri luar dan tengah sibuk mengikuti perkembangan perang Asia Barat. Tetapi rasanya boleh selit jadualnya untuk bincang sekejap hal poltik. Rasa saya begitulah.\nSemasa artikel ini ditulis belum ada penjelasan daripada pucuk pimpinan tertinggi Umno. Sama ada Zahid dan Mohamad tahu awal atau memang tidak tahu rancangan mereka, restu atau tidak hakikatnya 14 Adun terbabit sudah bertindak. Mereka orang Umno. Bukan setakat Umno Negeri Sembilan.\nApabila mereka mengorak langkah ia dilihat sebagai Umno yang mengorak langkah. Umno yang bertindak tarik sokongan ke atas menteri besar. Sekali gus Umno yang mengancam kerajaan negeri ala 'Langkah Sheraton'.\n'The situation is very fluid'. Macam-macam boleh berlaku. Namun, pada hemat saya apabila Adun Umno lakukan apa yang mereka lakukan mereka tahu kesannya – 'its consequences'. Mereka tahu tindakan mereka boleh menumbangkan kerajaan, dan mereka teruskan juga hasrat.\nOleh itu, bolehkah dirumuskan memang ada niat menumbangkan kerajaan perpaduan Negeri Sembilan?\n\"Umno NS guna Undang untuk pecat Yang di-Pertuan Besar NS. Targetnya juga hendak jawatan MB. Bila dah makan umpan pancing maka disentapnya joran longlailah PH nyawa2 ikan. Itulah *****nya Umno.\" Itu kata seorang bekas orang Umno asal Negeri Sembilan yang masih mengikuti perkembangaan politik tanah air.\nBerdasarkan apa yang telah dilakukan saya berpendapat elok Umno/BN keluar sahaja daripada kerajaan perpaduan. Bukan sahaja peringkat negeri tetapi juga peringkat persekutuan, kerana Umno ibarat sudah menikam belakang Pakatan Harapan.\nLantas pada PRU mendatang Umno/BN moleklah bergerak solo (ada kawan kata perkembangan di Negeri Sembilan akan mendorong PMX adakan 'snap election' Wallahuaklam). Apa lagi jika PRN Negeri Sembilan diadakan dalam masa terdekat.\n'After all' ada dalam kalangan Umno yang yakin Umno sudah pulih daripada kekecewaan PRU14 dan sekarang sudah cukup kuat untuk takluk Malaysia.\nJika tidak mahu solo Umno/BN boleh menghidupkan semula Muafakat Nasional bersama PAS. Ramai juga ahli Umno minat bermesra semula dengan PAS. (Di Negeri Sembilan dilaporkan lima Adun Perikatan Nasional yakni tiga PAS dan dua Bersatu sedia kerjasama dengan Adun Umno/BN 'demi kestabilan politik' (baca demi tubuh kerajaan?)\nSemalam, PAS sudah beri bayangan terdapat penjajaran semula parti politik di Negeri Sembilan di tengah penarikan balik sokongan Umno terhadap MB negeri itu.\n“Tahniah Umno Negeri Sembilan memulakan langkah penyatuan ummah,\" kata Ketua Penerangan PAS Ahmad Fadhli Shaari di media sosial tanpa huraian lanjut. Rasanya ramai boleh baca apa yang tersurat dan tersirat.\nJelas 'its not only about' Negeri Sembilan berdasarkan kata-kata itu. Lantas bagi saya 'all the more reason' Umno/BN keluarlah daripada kerajaan perpaduan.\n'Timing juga perfect for' Umno. PKR sekarang dilanda krisis dalaman. Diserang oleh ahli sendiri daripada dalam. Tak perlulah saya huraikan kerana semua sudah maklum apa yang sedang berlaku dalam PKR. Kesimpulannya parti itu huru-hara dan dalam keadaan lemah meskipun presidennya memegang jawatan perdana menteri.\nDAP masih kuat dalam PH tetapi diserang saban hari oleh banyak kumpulan terpaling Melayu termasuk Umno yang menjadikan pelbagai perkara sebagai isu berkait perkauman. Amanah? Masih tidak menunjukkan prestasi diharapakan PH.\nNamun, 'its not plain sailing' juga untuk Umno. Jika bermuafakat nasional sekali lagi dengan PAS ada 1,001 masalah akan timbul. Mereka tahu ini maka tidak perlu saya perincikan.\nKebanggaan ada kira-kira 6,000 ahli baharu termasuk bekas ahli yang menyertai Umno menerusi inisiatif 'Rumah Bangsa' masih belum boleh menjamin kejayaan. Kata seorang bekas aktivis Umno 'kemasukan 6,000 ahli Umno ini adalah satu aset jentera bukannya jaminan kemenangan.\nIa membantu dari segi operasi dan moral tetapi faktor penentu tetap terletak pada keupayaan BN untuk memenangi hati pengundi di luar kelompok ahli tegar mereka.\n\"Berbalik apa yang telah dan sedang laku. Bersatu khianati PAS di Perlis. Umno khianati PH di Negeri Sembilan. DNA Bersatu dan Umno/BN rakyat boleh nilai sendiri,\" kata seorang pemerhati politik. Beliau pernah menganggotai Umno, berkhidmat untuk pemimpin tinggi parti dan juga orang 'Nogori'.\nDan berkata lagi beliau: \"Sejarah politik negara membuktikan bahawa landskap ini sangat cair. Rakyat mempunyai ‘rekod prestasi’ setiap parti untuk dinilai – sama ada naratif perjuangan yang dibawa selari dengan tindakan sebenar di lapangan atau sebaliknya.\" Pada saya betul kata beliau.\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-27T23:30:54.000Z","author":{"name":"Mohsin Abdullah"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","kerajaan","negeri","Persekutuan","sembilan","Umno"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/28/justice-for-victims-restitution-vs-retribution","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/28/justice-for-victims-restitution-vs-retribution","title":"Justice for victims: restitution vs retribution","summary":"Restitution reflects a shift towards a more humane and victim-centred model of justice. It recognises that crime is not merely a legal violation but a harm inflicted on individuals and communities.","content_html":"![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/7f0ad079-jail-prison-penjara-reuters-260426-resize.webp\")
From P Sundramoorthy
\nThe proposal by the Attorney-General’s Chambers to establish a tribunal for victims’ compensation and the suggestion by law and institutional reform minister Azalina Othman Said to incorporate community service as a form of restitution, reflect a broader global shift in how criminal justice systems conceptualise justice for victims.
\nTraditionally, criminal law has prioritised punishment, deterrence and retribution. However, contemporary discourse increasingly recognises the need to rebalance this framework by placing victims at the centre through restitution and restorative mechanisms.
\nAt its core, restitution is grounded in the principle of repairing harm. Unlike retribution, which focuses on punishing the offender, restitution seeks to restore, as far as possible, the losses suffered by victims.
\nWhile financial compensation cannot replace the loss of life or serious injury, it serves as an acknowledgment of harm and responsibility, while alleviating the material burdens faced by victims and their families. Restitution is therefore both symbolic and practical, condemning the wrongdoing while offering tangible support.
\nThe objectives of restitution extend beyond compensation. First, it provides victims with a sense of justice and closure. In adversarial systems, victims are often marginalised, with limited roles as witnesses. A tribunal, can empower victims by offering a direct avenue for redress.
\nSecond, restitution promotes offender accountability. Whether through financial compensation or community service, it compels offenders to confront the consequences of their actions in ways that punitive measures alone may not achieve.
\nThird, restitution supports social harmony and reintegration. By emphasising repair rather than punishment alone, it aligns with restorative justice principles that seek to rebuild relationships among victims, offenders and the community. This is particularly relevant for less serious offences, where incarceration may be disproportionate or counterproductive.
\nCommunity service, as proposed, represents an alternative form of restitution. Although it does not directly compensate victims financially, it reinforces accountability by requiring offenders to contribute positively to society. This reflects a more flexible approach, particularly in cases where offenders lack the means to provide monetary compensation.
\nJustice, in this sense, should not depend solely on an offender’s financial capacity but on meaningful forms of accountability and repair.
\nComparative experiences offer valuable insights. In the UK courts routinely impose compensation orders, while the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority provides state-funded compensation when offenders cannot pay. In the US, restitution is often part of sentencing, complemented by victim compensation funds that cover medical costs, lost income and funeral expenses.
\nCanada integrates restitution with restorative justice programmes that facilitate dialogue between victims and offenders, emphasising healing and accountability. Germany’s Täter-Opfer-Ausgleich (offender–victim mediation) similarly promotes negotiated settlements, including compensation, apologies and other forms of reparation.
\nThese examples highlight key trends: the state’s growing role in compensating victims, increased flexibility in restitution mechanisms, and the rising importance of restorative justice approaches.
\nFor Malaysia, the proposed tribunal is a significant step towards aligning with these developments. However, its success will depend on clearly defined eligibility criteria regarding the types of cases that qualify for compensation.
\nPriority should be given to victims of violent crimes, including homicide, assault, domestic violence and sexual offences, where harm is most severe. Consideration may also extend to serious cases involving trafficking, exploitation and substantial property loss.
\nImportantly, eligibility should not be limited to direct victims. Dependants and immediate family members, particularly in cases involving death or incapacitation, should be entitled to claim compensation. Representatives acting for vulnerable individuals, such as children or persons with disabilities, must also be recognised.
\nTo ensure accessibility, claims should be assessed based on a balance of probabilities rather than the stricter criminal standard of proof.
\nAdequate funding will be critical, especially where offenders are unable to pay. At the same time, safeguards must ensure that community service and other non-monetary forms of restitution are meaningful and proportionate, rather than merely symbolic.
\nChallenges remain. Restitution should not replace punishment in serious cases, particularly those involving loss of life. While community service may be appropriate for minor offences, it may be perceived as inadequate in more serious contexts. Balancing the interests of victims, the rights of offenders and broader justice objectives will require careful calibration. There is also a risk of inconsistency if restitution mechanisms are not applied uniformly.
\nUltimately, restitution reflects a shift towards a more humane and victim-centred model of justice. It recognises that crime is not merely a legal violation but a harm inflicted on individuals and communities. By emphasising repair, accountability and restoration, restitution complements traditional punitive approaches and enhances the legitimacy of the criminal justice system.
\nAt the same time, these reforms underscore the long overdue need for the establishment of a Malaysian Commission on Criminal Justice. Such a body could holistically address issues of crime, punishment, victims’ rights and systemic reform, while ensuring coherence, accountability and evidence-based policymaking.
\nIn doing so, Malaysia can move towards a more balanced, transparent and forward-looking system of justice.
\n\n
P Sundramoorthy is a criminologist at the Centre for Policy Research at Universiti Sains Malaysia. He is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From P Sundramoorthy\nThe proposal by the Attorney-General’s Chambers to establish a tribunal for victims’ compensation and the suggestion by law and institutional reform minister Azalina Othman Said to incorporate community service as a form of restitution, reflect a broader global shift in how criminal justice systems conceptualise justice for victims.\nTraditionally, criminal law has prioritised punishment, deterrence and retribution. However, contemporary discourse increasingly recognises the need to rebalance this framework by placing victims at the centre through restitution and restorative mechanisms.\nAt its core, restitution is grounded in the principle of repairing harm. Unlike retribution, which focuses on punishing the offender, restitution seeks to restore, as far as possible, the losses suffered by victims.\nWhile financial compensation cannot replace the loss of life or serious injury, it serves as an acknowledgment of harm and responsibility, while alleviating the material burdens faced by victims and their families. Restitution is therefore both symbolic and practical, condemning the wrongdoing while offering tangible support.\nThe objectives of restitution extend beyond compensation. First, it provides victims with a sense of justice and closure. In adversarial systems, victims are often marginalised, with limited roles as witnesses. A tribunal, can empower victims by offering a direct avenue for redress.\nSecond, restitution promotes offender accountability. Whether through financial compensation or community service, it compels offenders to confront the consequences of their actions in ways that punitive measures alone may not achieve.\nThird, restitution supports social harmony and reintegration. By emphasising repair rather than punishment alone, it aligns with restorative justice principles that seek to rebuild relationships among victims, offenders and the community. This is particularly relevant for less serious offences, where incarceration may be disproportionate or counterproductive.\nCommunity service, as proposed, represents an alternative form of restitution. Although it does not directly compensate victims financially, it reinforces accountability by requiring offenders to contribute positively to society. This reflects a more flexible approach, particularly in cases where offenders lack the means to provide monetary compensation.\nJustice, in this sense, should not depend solely on an offender’s financial capacity but on meaningful forms of accountability and repair.\nComparative experiences offer valuable insights. In the UK courts routinely impose compensation orders, while the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority provides state-funded compensation when offenders cannot pay. In the US, restitution is often part of sentencing, complemented by victim compensation funds that cover medical costs, lost income and funeral expenses.\nCanada integrates restitution with restorative justice programmes that facilitate dialogue between victims and offenders, emphasising healing and accountability. Germany’s Täter-Opfer-Ausgleich (offender–victim mediation) similarly promotes negotiated settlements, including compensation, apologies and other forms of reparation.\nThese examples highlight key trends: the state’s growing role in compensating victims, increased flexibility in restitution mechanisms, and the rising importance of restorative justice approaches.\nFor Malaysia, the proposed tribunal is a significant step towards aligning with these developments. However, its success will depend on clearly defined eligibility criteria regarding the types of cases that qualify for compensation.\nPriority should be given to victims of violent crimes, including homicide, assault, domestic violence and sexual offences, where harm is most severe. Consideration may also extend to serious cases involving trafficking, exploitation and substantial property loss.\nImportantly, eligibility should not be limited to direct victims. Dependants and immediate family members, particularly in cases involving death or incapacitation, should be entitled to claim compensation. Representatives acting for vulnerable individuals, such as children or persons with disabilities, must also be recognised.\nTo ensure accessibility, claims should be assessed based on a balance of probabilities rather than the stricter criminal standard of proof.\nAdequate funding will be critical, especially where offenders are unable to pay. At the same time, safeguards must ensure that community service and other non-monetary forms of restitution are meaningful and proportionate, rather than merely symbolic.\nChallenges remain. Restitution should not replace punishment in serious cases, particularly those involving loss of life. While community service may be appropriate for minor offences, it may be perceived as inadequate in more serious contexts. Balancing the interests of victims, the rights of offenders and broader justice objectives will require careful calibration. There is also a risk of inconsistency if restitution mechanisms are not applied uniformly.\nUltimately, restitution reflects a shift towards a more humane and victim-centred model of justice. It recognises that crime is not merely a legal violation but a harm inflicted on individuals and communities. By emphasising repair, accountability and restoration, restitution complements traditional punitive approaches and enhances the legitimacy of the criminal justice system.\nAt the same time, these reforms underscore the long overdue need for the establishment of a Malaysian Commission on Criminal Justice. Such a body could holistically address issues of crime, punishment, victims’ rights and systemic reform, while ensuring coherence, accountability and evidence-based policymaking.\nIn doing so, Malaysia can move towards a more balanced, transparent and forward-looking system of justice.\n \nP Sundramoorthy is a criminologist at the Centre for Policy Research at Universiti Sains Malaysia. He is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-27T23:00:50.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","community service","compensation","crime","law","tribunal"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/7f0ad079-jail-prison-penjara-reuters-260426-resize.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/7f0ad079-jail-prison-penjara-reuters-260426-resize.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/27/apabila-trump-hadir-jamuan-wartawan","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/27/apabila-trump-hadir-jamuan-wartawan","title":"Apabila Trump hadir jamuan wartawan","summary":"Seorang lelaki meluru masuk ballroom melepasi beberapa anggota Secret Service. Tembakan kedengaran. Adakah sasaran suspek Trump?","content_html":"
Wartawan mewakili pelbagai media yang ditugaskan membuat liputan bermacam aspek bersabit White House khususnya presiden Amerika Syarikat ada persatuan dikenali sebagai White House Correspondents Association atau WHCA, dan setiap tahun ia mengadakan gala night — the White House Corrrespondents Dinner. Tetamu terhormat pastilah presiden AS. Ini satu tradisi.
\nPersatuan ditubuhkan pada 1914. Jamuan makan malam pertama kali diadakan pada 7 Mei 1921 di Arlington Hotel, Washington DC.
\nTujuan utama ialah fund raising untuk membiayai liputan White House dan juga aktiviti wartawan, termasuk biasiswa to help the next generation of journalists. Ticket untuk jamuan dijual hanya kepada organisasi media yang wartawannya menjadi ahli persatuan.
\nMakan malam itu terkenal sebagai suatu pentas di mana satira politik dipersembahkan oleh selebriti terkenal. Presiden diberi peluang untuk menyakat musuh politik dan wartawan. Hakikatnya it’s always a fun affair meskipun pedih dan pedas.
\nDonald Trump umum tahu tidak mesra wartawan. Kali terakhir beliau hadir White House Correspondents Dinner ialah pada 2011 semasa Barrack Obama menjadi presiden. Trump hadir sebagai tetamu. Obama dan hos, Seth Meyers, mempersendakan Trump terutama cita-cita politiknya. Ada pemerhati kata gurauan itu mendorong Trump bertanding untuk jawatan presiden beberapa tahun kemudian.
\nKali pertama Trump jadi presiden (2017-2021) beliau tidak mahu hadir White House Correspondents Dinner. Kali kedua jadi presiden beliau tidak juga mahu hadir jamuan tahun lalu. Namun tahun ini Trump hadir buat kali pertama sebagai presiden. Banyak pihak terutama media bersiap sedia untuk menghadapi Trump. Anything is possible with this president, kata mereka.
\nRamai tertanya sesama sendiri sama ada Trump akan belasah media yang selalu mengkritik beliau dan dasar pentadbirannya. For good measure comedian yang sering roast Trump tidak ditugaskan sebagai hos kali ini. Namun kita tahu apa yang berlaku semasa Trump hadir di ballroom Washington Hilton semalam, dan bukan Trump yang buat angkara.
\nSeorang lelaki — Cole Tomas Allen — meluru masuk ballroom melepasi beberapa anggota Secret Service. Para pegawai kejar dan tembakan kedengaran. Seorang pegawai keselamatan cedera. Beliau bersama Allen dibawa ke hospital. Allen, 31, sudah didakwa atas tuduhan menggunakan senjata api untuk melakukan jenayah ganas dan menyerang pegawai persekutuan menggunakan senjata bahaya.
\nAdakah sasaran suspek Trump?
\nKemungkinan besar iya meskipun ramai ahli politik termasuk anggota pentadibran Trump dan daripada parti Demokrat berada di dalam ballroom bersama ratusan jemputan dan wakil media. Trump dan isteri dibawa keluar dalam keadaan selamat. Tidak lama kemudian Trump sendiri menyiarkan di media sosial rakaman security video memaparkan suspek berlari masuk ke dewan jamuan.
\nSejurus kemudian Trump mengadakan taklimat untuk media di White House. Banyak informasi mengenai kejadian yang beliau berikan kepada media, namun butiran lanjut akan disampaikan oleh pasukan keselamatan dan pegawai penyiasat.
\nKata Trump, “politics is a dangerous line of work. It comes with the territory“. Lantas Trump menegaskan jawatan yang disandang “is a very dangerous job“. Beliau merujuk suspek sebagai “he’s sick“. Trump percaya insiden di Washington Hilton tidak ada kena mengena dengan perang di Iran.
\nRata-rata rakyat AS menentang dasar Trump berhubung Iran dan tidak setuju AS melancar perang di Asia Barat. Semasa jamuan diadakan, dilaporkan ada demonstrasi anti-Trump di hadapan Washington Hilton.
\nDalam memuji kecekapan dan ketangkasan pasukan keselamatan, Trump berkata beliau mahu terus hidup “to make America great“. Katanya apa yang berlaku ialah kerana beliau berbuat sesuatu. Presiden AS lampau yang pernah diserang juga melakukan sesuatu. Begitu jugalah dengannya, kataTrump.
\n“I’ve studied assassinations. The people that do the most, the people that make the biggest impact they’re the ones that they go after. They’re were very impactful people just take a look at the names,” kata Trump sambil memetik Abraham Lincoln.
\nKata beliau lagi: “I hate to say I’m honoured by that but I’ve done a lot, we’ve done a lot. We’ve taken this country — we were a laughing stock for years and now we’re the hottest country. I think that’s the reason.”
\nJelas ada sindiran buat Obama dan Joe Biden. Realitinya ahli politik yang bijak boleh memanfaatkan musibah untuk menyerang lawan dan pada masa sama untuk kebaikan diri sendiri. Ahli politik yang bijak juga akan menggunakan apa yang berlaku untuk menjustifikasi apa yang beliau mahu laksanakan. Contohnya Trump sedang mendirikan ballroom hebat di White House yang menelan belanja jutaan dollar. Tindakanya dibantah ramai tetapi berikutan insiden di Washington Hilton, Trump membayangkan ballroom di White House lebih selamat daripada ballroom di Hilton. “Look at all the conditions that took place tonight and it’s not a particularly secure building and I didn’t want to say this, but this is why we have to have all the attributes of what we’re planning at the White House. It’s actually a larger room, drone proof, bulletproof glass. We need the ballroom.”
\nApproval ratings Trump sebelum ini berada pada paras rendah. Kita tahu mengapa. Namun setelah insiden di majlis makan malam wartawan White House, mungkin kritikan kerasnya ke atas Pope Leo serta memaparkan grafik ciptaan AI yang menunjukkan beliau seakan Jesus Christ yang menguris perasaan penganut Katholik, juga tindakan ganas ICE dalam melaksanakan dasar anti imigresen, harga minyak melambung dan inflasi mencanak akibat tindakannya lancar perang ke atas Iran, dan banyak lagi hal akan dilupakan atau diketepikan meskipun buat seketika.
\nSeperkara lagi. Ingat tak insiden di Pennsylvania 13 Julai 2024? Semasa Trump berkempen untuk pilihan raya presiden berlaku percubaan membunuh. Beliau terselamat tetapi cedera di bahagian telinga di tembak seorang lelaki berusia 20 tahun bernama Thomas Crooks. Dia mati ditembak pegawai keselamatan di tempat kejadian. Ada orang kata insiden itu ada peranan membentuk perasaan pengundi yang memberi kemenangan kepada Trump. Ini saya tidak tahu benar atau tidak.
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Wartawan mewakili pelbagai media yang ditugaskan membuat liputan bermacam aspek bersabit White House khususnya presiden Amerika Syarikat ada persatuan dikenali sebagai White House Correspondents Association atau WHCA, dan setiap tahun ia mengadakan gala night - the White House Corrrespondents Dinner. Tetamu terhormat pastilah presiden AS. Ini satu tradisi.\nPersatuan ditubuhkan pada 1914. Jamuan makan malam pertama kali diadakan pada 7 Mei 1921 di Arlington Hotel, Washington DC.\nTujuan utama ialah fund raising untuk membiayai liputan White House dan juga aktiviti wartawan, termasuk biasiswa to help the next generation of journalists. Ticket untuk jamuan dijual hanya kepada organisasi media yang wartawannya menjadi ahli persatuan.\nMakan malam itu terkenal sebagai suatu pentas di mana satira politik dipersembahkan oleh selebriti terkenal. Presiden diberi peluang untuk menyakat musuh politik dan wartawan. Hakikatnya it's always a fun affair meskipun pedih dan pedas.\nDonald Trump umum tahu tidak mesra wartawan. Kali terakhir beliau hadir White House Correspondents Dinner ialah pada 2011 semasa Barrack Obama menjadi presiden. Trump hadir sebagai tetamu. Obama dan hos, Seth Meyers, mempersendakan Trump terutama cita-cita politiknya. Ada pemerhati kata gurauan itu mendorong Trump bertanding untuk jawatan presiden beberapa tahun kemudian.\nKali pertama Trump jadi presiden (2017-2021) beliau tidak mahu hadir White House Correspondents Dinner. Kali kedua jadi presiden beliau tidak juga mahu hadir jamuan tahun lalu. Namun tahun ini Trump hadir buat kali pertama sebagai presiden. Banyak pihak terutama media bersiap sedia untuk menghadapi Trump. Anything is possible with this president, kata mereka.\nRamai tertanya sesama sendiri sama ada Trump akan belasah media yang selalu mengkritik beliau dan dasar pentadbirannya. For good measure comedian yang sering roast Trump tidak ditugaskan sebagai hos kali ini. Namun kita tahu apa yang berlaku semasa Trump hadir di ballroom Washington Hilton semalam, dan bukan Trump yang buat angkara.\nSeorang lelaki - Cole Tomas Allen - meluru masuk ballroom melepasi beberapa anggota Secret Service. Para pegawai kejar dan tembakan kedengaran. Seorang pegawai keselamatan cedera. Beliau bersama Allen dibawa ke hospital. Allen, 31, sudah didakwa atas tuduhan menggunakan senjata api untuk melakukan jenayah ganas dan menyerang pegawai persekutuan menggunakan senjata bahaya.\nAdakah sasaran suspek Trump?\nKemungkinan besar iya meskipun ramai ahli politik termasuk anggota pentadibran Trump dan daripada parti Demokrat berada di dalam ballroom bersama ratusan jemputan dan wakil media. Trump dan isteri dibawa keluar dalam keadaan selamat. Tidak lama kemudian Trump sendiri menyiarkan di media sosial rakaman security video memaparkan suspek berlari masuk ke dewan jamuan.\nSejurus kemudian Trump mengadakan taklimat untuk media di White House. Banyak informasi mengenai kejadian yang beliau berikan kepada media, namun butiran lanjut akan disampaikan oleh pasukan keselamatan dan pegawai penyiasat.\nKata Trump, \"politics is a dangerous line of work. It comes with the territory\". Lantas Trump menegaskan jawatan yang disandang \"is a very dangerous job\". Beliau merujuk suspek sebagai \"he's sick\". Trump percaya insiden di Washington Hilton tidak ada kena mengena dengan perang di Iran.\nRata-rata rakyat AS menentang dasar Trump berhubung Iran dan tidak setuju AS melancar perang di Asia Barat. Semasa jamuan diadakan, dilaporkan ada demonstrasi anti-Trump di hadapan Washington Hilton.\nDalam memuji kecekapan dan ketangkasan pasukan keselamatan, Trump berkata beliau mahu terus hidup \"to make America great\". Katanya apa yang berlaku ialah kerana beliau berbuat sesuatu. Presiden AS lampau yang pernah diserang juga melakukan sesuatu. Begitu jugalah dengannya, kataTrump.\n\"I've studied assassinations. The people that do the most, the people that make the biggest impact they're the ones that they go after. They’re were very impactful people just take a look at the names,\" kata Trump sambil memetik Abraham Lincoln.\nKata beliau lagi: \"I hate to say I'm honoured by that but I've done a lot, we've done a lot. We've taken this country - we were a laughing stock for years and now we're the hottest country. I think that's the reason.\"\nJelas ada sindiran buat Obama dan Joe Biden. Realitinya ahli politik yang bijak boleh memanfaatkan musibah untuk menyerang lawan dan pada masa sama untuk kebaikan diri sendiri. Ahli politik yang bijak juga akan menggunakan apa yang berlaku untuk menjustifikasi apa yang beliau mahu laksanakan. Contohnya Trump sedang mendirikan ballroom hebat di White House yang menelan belanja jutaan dollar. Tindakanya dibantah ramai tetapi berikutan insiden di Washington Hilton, Trump membayangkan ballroom di White House lebih selamat daripada ballroom di Hilton. \"Look at all the conditions that took place tonight and it's not a particularly secure building and I didn't want to say this, but this is why we have to have all the attributes of what we're planning at the White House. It's actually a larger room, drone proof, bulletproof glass. We need the ballroom.\"\nApproval ratings Trump sebelum ini berada pada paras rendah. Kita tahu mengapa. Namun setelah insiden di majlis makan malam wartawan White House, mungkin kritikan kerasnya ke atas Pope Leo serta memaparkan grafik ciptaan AI yang menunjukkan beliau seakan Jesus Christ yang menguris perasaan penganut Katholik, juga tindakan ganas ICE dalam melaksanakan dasar anti imigresen, harga minyak melambung dan inflasi mencanak akibat tindakannya lancar perang ke atas Iran, dan banyak lagi hal akan dilupakan atau diketepikan meskipun buat seketika.\nSeperkara lagi. Ingat tak insiden di Pennsylvania 13 Julai 2024? Semasa Trump berkempen untuk pilihan raya presiden berlaku percubaan membunuh. Beliau terselamat tetapi cedera di bahagian telinga di tembak seorang lelaki berusia 20 tahun bernama Thomas Crooks. Dia mati ditembak pegawai keselamatan di tempat kejadian. Ada orang kata insiden itu ada peranan membentuk perasaan pengundi yang memberi kemenangan kepada Trump. Ini saya tidak tahu benar atau tidak.\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-27T01:30:25.000Z","author":{"name":"Mohsin Abdullah"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Donald Trump","makan malan","mohsin abdullah","Serangan","White House Correspondents Dinner"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/27/ipr-a-third-force-or-another-wasted-opportunity","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/27/ipr-a-third-force-or-another-wasted-opportunity","title":"IPR: A third force, or another wasted opportunity?","summary":"Efforts by Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat to champion cross‑ideological cooperation on public issues risk projecting indecision at a critical moment.","content_html":"![\"behind](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp\")
The split within Bersatu and the party’s fraying ties with PAS have left Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat (IPR) politically homeless. Yet, paradoxically, the alliance still carries the potential to grow into a credible third force ahead of the next general election.
\nBut a third force cannot survive if premised on ambiguity.
\nAt present, IPR has positioned itself as a platform for “cross‑ideological cooperation on public issues”. But without politics as its anchor, the alliance risks being seen as indecisive.
\nRecent developments underscore this dilemma. Both Urimai and Muda have clarified that IPR does not intend to fold into Perikatan Nasional (PN), prompting PAS to distance itself from the alliance.
\n\nMeanwhile, other IPR members — including PN components Gerakan and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party (MIPP), as well as Pejuang, Putra, Berjasa, MAP and the National Indian Muslim Alliance Party — have yet to articulate their expectations in any coherent manner.
\nWhy the hesitation?
\nIn an already fatigued political landscape, strategy cannot be built on hesitation, especially when space for a political third force clearly exists.
\nSince it is neither with the unity government nor the opposition coalition, IPR ought to position itself as a third force.
\nIndeed, the alliance has the potential to attract support from all three major races.
\nAmong Indian voters, Urimai’s P Ramasamy could emerge as a leading figure.
\nNow 76, the former DAP stalwart may not fit the mould of a populist politician, but his emphasis on governance, equality and institutional reform continues to resonate with Indians who feel sidelined by mainstream politics.
\nHis credibility and public record could help consolidate Indian support while lending IPR a sense of legitimacy and seriousness of purpose.
\nFor MIC — uneasy within Barisan Nasional but unwilling to align with PN — IPR’s emergence could be a gamechanger, offering the once‑dominant Indian party a platform to recalibrate its political strategy and arrest its alarming decline.
\nMore broadly, as a third force, IPR offers politically unaffiliated and disillusioned members of the Indian community an opportunity to place their hopes in a new political entity.
\nA similar opening exists among Chinese voters. MCA, despite reaffirming its position within BN, continues to grapple with a widening credibility gap.
\nIts long‑time rival, DAP, also appears to be losing the trust of its grassroots amid perceptions of having drifted away from longstanding party objectives.
\nChinese voters, however, remain relatively loyal. The deeper concern here is not large‑scale defection but declining engagement with parties in the ruling coalition.
\nThis is where a third force could become relevant — not necessarily by winning immediate mass Chinese support, but by re‑engaging voters who now speak openly of sitting out the next election in frustration.
\nIf nothing else, a credible third option could help rescue otherwise lost votes.
\nSmaller parties, particularly Muda and Pejuang, which have struggled to gain electoral traction, could also benefit from the momentum of a coherent third‑force project.
\nCapturing Malay support, meanwhile, may not be as insurmountable as often assumed. But doing so hinges squarely on leadership.
\nAt present, IPR faces a defining choice between former prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin and his one‑time ally, Hamzah Zainudin.
\nBoth have suffered recent political setbacks.
\nMuhyiddin is no longer PN chairman following his fallout with PAS and now leads a significantly weakened Bersatu after a wave of sackings earlier this year.
\nHamzah, the most prominent figure among those ousted, appears equally uncertain about his next move.
\nWith a return to PN through another vehicle likely to be blocked by Bersatu, and reconciliation with Umno seemingly a non‑starter, heading a third force may present Hamzah with an opportunity worth serious consideration.
\nLaunched by Muhyiddin in October last year, before Bersatu’s public fallout with PAS, IPR no longer serves its original purpose. That means reinvention is no longer optional.
\nWill it anchor itself in electoral politics and rally behind Muhyiddin?
\nOr will it rebrand itself without Bersatu and throw its support behind Hamzah?
\nThat choice is not merely about personalities, but about direction.
\nWith the 16th general election drawing closer, all parties and actors involved must decide — and quickly — lest IPR become yet another case of a political opportunity wasted.
\n\n
The writer is a senior journalist at FMT’s English Desk.
\nThis article represents the writer’s opinion and does not necessarily reflect FMT’s position.
\n","content_text":"The split within Bersatu and the party’s fraying ties with PAS have left Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat (IPR) politically homeless. Yet, paradoxically, the alliance still carries the potential to grow into a credible third force ahead of the next general election.\nBut a third force cannot survive if premised on ambiguity.\nAt present, IPR has positioned itself as a platform for “cross‑ideological cooperation on public issues”. But without politics as its anchor, the alliance risks being seen as indecisive.\nRecent developments underscore this dilemma. Both Urimai and Muda have clarified that IPR does not intend to fold into Perikatan Nasional (PN), prompting PAS to distance itself from the alliance.\n\nMeanwhile, other IPR members — including PN components Gerakan and the Malaysian Indian People’s Party (MIPP), as well as Pejuang, Putra, Berjasa, MAP and the National Indian Muslim Alliance Party — have yet to articulate their expectations in any coherent manner.\nWhy the hesitation?\nIn an already fatigued political landscape, strategy cannot be built on hesitation, especially when space for a political third force clearly exists.\nSince it is neither with the unity government nor the opposition coalition, IPR ought to position itself as a third force.\nIndeed, the alliance has the potential to attract support from all three major races.\nAmong Indian voters, Urimai’s P Ramasamy could emerge as a leading figure.\nNow 76, the former DAP stalwart may not fit the mould of a populist politician, but his emphasis on governance, equality and institutional reform continues to resonate with Indians who feel sidelined by mainstream politics.\nHis credibility and public record could help consolidate Indian support while lending IPR a sense of legitimacy and seriousness of purpose.\nFor MIC — uneasy within Barisan Nasional but unwilling to align with PN — IPR’s emergence could be a gamechanger, offering the once‑dominant Indian party a platform to recalibrate its political strategy and arrest its alarming decline.\nMore broadly, as a third force, IPR offers politically unaffiliated and disillusioned members of the Indian community an opportunity to place their hopes in a new political entity.\nA similar opening exists among Chinese voters. MCA, despite reaffirming its position within BN, continues to grapple with a widening credibility gap.\nIts long‑time rival, DAP, also appears to be losing the trust of its grassroots amid perceptions of having drifted away from longstanding party objectives.\nChinese voters, however, remain relatively loyal. The deeper concern here is not large‑scale defection but declining engagement with parties in the ruling coalition.\nThis is where a third force could become relevant — not necessarily by winning immediate mass Chinese support, but by re‑engaging voters who now speak openly of sitting out the next election in frustration.\nIf nothing else, a credible third option could help rescue otherwise lost votes.\nSmaller parties, particularly Muda and Pejuang, which have struggled to gain electoral traction, could also benefit from the momentum of a coherent third‑force project.\nCapturing Malay support, meanwhile, may not be as insurmountable as often assumed. But doing so hinges squarely on leadership.\nAt present, IPR faces a defining choice between former prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin and his one‑time ally, Hamzah Zainudin.\nBoth have suffered recent political setbacks.\nMuhyiddin is no longer PN chairman following his fallout with PAS and now leads a significantly weakened Bersatu after a wave of sackings earlier this year.\nHamzah, the most prominent figure among those ousted, appears equally uncertain about his next move.\nWith a return to PN through another vehicle likely to be blocked by Bersatu, and reconciliation with Umno seemingly a non‑starter, heading a third force may present Hamzah with an opportunity worth serious consideration.\nLaunched by Muhyiddin in October last year, before Bersatu’s public fallout with PAS, IPR no longer serves its original purpose. That means reinvention is no longer optional.\nWill it anchor itself in electoral politics and rally behind Muhyiddin?\nOr will it rebrand itself without Bersatu and throw its support behind Hamzah?\nThat choice is not merely about personalities, but about direction.\nWith the 16th general election drawing closer, all parties and actors involved must decide — and quickly — lest IPR become yet another case of a political opportunity wasted.\n \nThe writer is a senior journalist at FMT’s English Desk.\nThis article represents the writer’s opinion and does not necessarily reflect FMT’s position.","date_published":"2026-04-27T00:30:39.000Z","author":{"name":"Minderjeet Kaur"},"tags":["Highlight","Editorial","Opinion","Top Opinion","Bersatu","Hamzah Zainudin","ipr","Muda","Muhyiddin Yassin","P Ramasamy","Urimai"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/27/mid-career-middle-aged-middle-managers-watch-out-the-robots-are-coming","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/27/mid-career-middle-aged-middle-managers-watch-out-the-robots-are-coming","title":"Mid-career middle-aged middle managers – watch out, the robots are coming","summary":"The jobs are being taken over by new technology, especially AI, and there’s an oversupply of people fighting for whatever shrinking number of such jobs is left.","content_html":"![\"adzhar\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/58542a27-adzhar-ibrahim-columnist-latest-060524-1.webp\")
Earlier this month, an autonomous humanoid robot ran a half-marathon race in China and beat the human world record by over five minutes. Earlier versions of such robots didn’t even come close.
\nRobots have been around for decades. China has more of them than the rest of the world combined. But autonomous humanoid robots are different. They have a torso, a pair of arms and legs and what can pass for a head and eyes, and function without direct human control.
\nIt’s difficult to make robots do what we do – climb stairs, open doors, cook and serve food, care for infants and elders etc. They need to be human-like because much of our world is designed for humans: our humanoid shapes and forms and physical limitations.
\nAdvances in actuators and artificial intelligence are making them better and cheaper. One model is priced at the cost of employing two workers for two years.
\nGiven such robots don’t take time off and can last 10 years, they’re very attractive especially where labour costs, availability and efficiency are major business challenges.
\nWhere does that leave us Malaysians? Probably relatively safe at least for a while longer.
\nFearing the future
\nThe Malaysians who are actually being replaced by robots and technologies right now are another demographic group that hasn’t quite received enough attention. I call them the 3-Mids demographic.
\nThe first Mid is those in their middle age, people in their 40s, who spent a couple of decades plodding through what used to be a predictable career path. Many are paying for their children’s education while also paying off mortgages and loans.
\nMost know they won’t get to the top of the corporate hierarchy, and are OK with it. While skilled at what they’re doing, age has made them more risk-averse: their skills aren’t very marketable or transferable or of much help when they lose their jobs, even with a generous severance package.
\nThe second Mid is that of middle management: people who are a decade or two past entry-level, but not quite at the senior levels that make all the big decisions and earn the big bucks.
\nThey’re the managers, team heads or supervisors who run small units or produce reports or otherwise act as the bridge between those at the top and those below who actually do the work.
\nWhen computers came in
\nMiddle managers were heavily hit when businesses began computerising a few decades ago: rather than a bridge, they were seen as obstacles to be replaced by smarter and cheaper computers and systems.
\nMany lower-level employees such as the factory hands, clerical, counter and administration staff, those that form the so-called “overheads”, also lost their jobs when tasks and records were computerised and centralised.
\nAt one of my previous jobs, a major regional branch with 60 staff was stripped to just four. Transactions and records and the entire business processes were computerised, centralised and later some were even shifted overseas.
\nMany middle managers there were either retrenched or relocated to centralised sites.
\nCustomer services were consolidated into massive remote centres in cheaper locations. Sales jobs were passed on to third-party sales agencies. Companies drivers, security guards, janitorial staff and many other “unskilled” workers had their employment outsourced.
\nEven the company buildings were sold and leased back, turning them from being “unproductive” assets on the balance sheets into easily-manageable (and easily-eliminated) operational expenses.
\nMuddling through
\nThe third Mid is that of those in mid-career, people who went to university, earned a degree or two, and got into a career everybody then thought would be steady and safe.
\nNow their jobs are being taken over by new technology, especially AI. Having “professional” qualifications is no longer a safe bet. Technology is doing their jobs better and faster and cheaper, and there’s an oversupply of people fighting for whatever shrinking number of such jobs that are left.
\nSadly, many who are mid at anything also tend to be mid at everything.
\nA middle-management person also tends to be middle-aged, far away from EPF withdrawal age and children who have become independent. They also tend to be mid-career, with a lot invested in their career in a job market that no longer values those investments.
\nNeither here nor there
\nWhen it rains it pours. Increasingly, their skills are no longer in demand, and they are often overlooked because of negative perceptions about their age, energy, culture fit, ability to learn new skills or salary expectations.
\nMy own generation of “baby boomers” went through our career lifecycle in a much different world. Jobs were precious, and we held on to them almost at all cost. But the economy was growing and creating jobs, and we didn’t have to go back to the kampung or the farm or the factories for dirty or dangerous or poorly paid work.
\nWe had more fallback options, as bad as they were.
\nThe current 3-Mids generations face a different, tougher world: they’re neither here nor there, stuck in the middle, sometimes in all three middles. Getting out of that spot is getting harder all the time.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Earlier this month, an autonomous humanoid robot ran a half-marathon race in China and beat the human world record by over five minutes. Earlier versions of such robots didn’t even come close.\nRobots have been around for decades. China has more of them than the rest of the world combined. But autonomous humanoid robots are different. They have a torso, a pair of arms and legs and what can pass for a head and eyes, and function without direct human control.\nIt’s difficult to make robots do what we do - climb stairs, open doors, cook and serve food, care for infants and elders etc. They need to be human-like because much of our world is designed for humans: our humanoid shapes and forms and physical limitations.\nAdvances in actuators and artificial intelligence are making them better and cheaper. One model is priced at the cost of employing two workers for two years.\nGiven such robots don’t take time off and can last 10 years, they’re very attractive especially where labour costs, availability and efficiency are major business challenges.\nWhere does that leave us Malaysians? Probably relatively safe at least for a while longer.\nFearing the future\nThe Malaysians who are actually being replaced by robots and technologies right now are another demographic group that hasn't quite received enough attention. I call them the 3-Mids demographic.\nThe first Mid is those in their middle age, people in their 40s, who spent a couple of decades plodding through what used to be a predictable career path. Many are paying for their children's education while also paying off mortgages and loans.\nMost know they won’t get to the top of the corporate hierarchy, and are OK with it. While skilled at what they’re doing, age has made them more risk-averse: their skills aren’t very marketable or transferable or of much help when they lose their jobs, even with a generous severance package.\nThe second Mid is that of middle management: people who are a decade or two past entry-level, but not quite at the senior levels that make all the big decisions and earn the big bucks.\nThey’re the managers, team heads or supervisors who run small units or produce reports or otherwise act as the bridge between those at the top and those below who actually do the work.\nWhen computers came in\nMiddle managers were heavily hit when businesses began computerising a few decades ago: rather than a bridge, they were seen as obstacles to be replaced by smarter and cheaper computers and systems.\nMany lower-level employees such as the factory hands, clerical, counter and administration staff, those that form the so-called \"overheads”, also lost their jobs when tasks and records were computerised and centralised.\nAt one of my previous jobs, a major regional branch with 60 staff was stripped to just four. Transactions and records and the entire business processes were computerised, centralised and later some were even shifted overseas.\nMany middle managers there were either retrenched or relocated to centralised sites.\nCustomer services were consolidated into massive remote centres in cheaper locations. Sales jobs were passed on to third-party sales agencies. Companies drivers, security guards, janitorial staff and many other “unskilled” workers had their employment outsourced.\nEven the company buildings were sold and leased back, turning them from being “unproductive” assets on the balance sheets into easily-manageable (and easily-eliminated) operational expenses.\nMuddling through\nThe third Mid is that of those in mid-career, people who went to university, earned a degree or two, and got into a career everybody then thought would be steady and safe.\nNow their jobs are being taken over by new technology, especially AI. Having “professional” qualifications is no longer a safe bet. Technology is doing their jobs better and faster and cheaper, and there’s an oversupply of people fighting for whatever shrinking number of such jobs that are left.\nSadly, many who are mid at anything also tend to be mid at everything.\nA middle-management person also tends to be middle-aged, far away from EPF withdrawal age and children who have become independent. They also tend to be mid-career, with a lot invested in their career in a job market that no longer values those investments.\nNeither here nor there\nWhen it rains it pours. Increasingly, their skills are no longer in demand, and they are often overlooked because of negative perceptions about their age, energy, culture fit, ability to learn new skills or salary expectations.\nMy own generation of \"baby boomers\" went through our career lifecycle in a much different world. Jobs were precious, and we held on to them almost at all cost. But the economy was growing and creating jobs, and we didn’t have to go back to the kampung or the farm or the factories for dirty or dangerous or poorly paid work.\nWe had more fallback options, as bad as they were.\nThe current 3-Mids generations face a different, tougher world: they’re neither here nor there, stuck in the middle, sometimes in all three middles. Getting out of that spot is getting harder all the time.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-26T23:30:12.000Z","author":{"name":"Adzhar Ibrahim"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","AI","automation","management","middle managers","middle-aged employees","robots","Technology"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/58542a27-adzhar-ibrahim-columnist-latest-060524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/58542a27-adzhar-ibrahim-columnist-latest-060524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/pahang-had-a-constitution-long-before-colonial-rule-why-dont-we-know-about-it","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/pahang-had-a-constitution-long-before-colonial-rule-why-dont-we-know-about-it","title":"Pahang had a constitution long before colonial rule – why don’t we know about it?","summary":"The Hukum Kanun Pahang was a comprehensive legal code that governed the state, regulated trade, defined justice, and set limits on royal authority.","content_html":"![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/c14e873d-al-quran-pic-1-email-260426.webp\")
From the Tengku Ampuan of Pahang, Tunku Azizah Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah
\nMost Malaysians believe that constitutional governance arrived with colonial rule, and that our modern constitutional monarchy began in the mid-20th century. Yet buried in our own history is a truth that challenges this assumption entirely.
\nMore than four centuries ago, Pahang already had a written constitution.
\nIt was called the Hukum Kanun Pahang.
\nCompiled and codified during the reign of Sultan Abdul Ghaffar Muhyiddin Shah (1592-1614), the Hukum Kanun Pahang was not merely a collection of laws. It was a comprehensive legal code that governed the state, regulated trade, defined justice, and set limits on royal authority. In modern terms, it functioned as a constitution, one rooted in Islamic law, Malay custom, and moral accountability.
\nWhat makes the Hukum Kanun Pahang even more remarkable is that it did not emerge in isolation. It represents the continuation and maturation of earlier Malay legal traditions, particularly the Hukum Kanun Melaka and the Undang-Undang Laut Melaka.
\nWhen Melaka fell in 1511, its laws did not disappear. They migrated, were preserved, and were refined in Pahang. The Hukum Kanun Pahang absorbed both the constitutional principles of Melaka and its maritime legal wisdom, uniting land and sea into a single, coherent legal order. In this sense, Pahang did not merely inherit Melaka’s legacy, it completed and perfected it.
\nLong before Western constitutional theory emerged, the Malay world had already articulated a system of governance grounded in law rather than conquest.
\nA kingdom of law, not the sword
\nPahang’s strength did not lie in empire-building or military expansion. It lay in something far more enduring: law and trust.
\nSituated along the eastern seaboard of the Malay Peninsula, Pahang was a maritime kingdom connected to the Laut Melayu and the wider Indian Ocean world. Its rivers linked inland resources to international trade routes, while its ports welcomed merchants from the Arab world, Persia, China, and the archipelago. What drew traders to Pahang was not force, but security – the assurance that contracts would be honoured, disputes settled fairly, and piracy punished.
\nThe Hukum Kanun Pahang made this possible. It regulated taxation, port administration, maritime conduct, commercial honesty, and criminal justice. It protected merchants, sailors, and vulnerable members of society. Piracy was treated not only as a crime against the state, but as a moral offence. Trade itself was framed as an ethical activity, governed by responsibility and faith.
\nIn this system, the sea was not a lawless frontier. It was a governed space.
\nThe Sultan was not above the law
\nOne of the most striking features of the Hukum Kanun Pahang is that it did not place the Sultan above the law.
\nAlthough enacted under royal authority, the code bound the Sultan himself to divine law, justice, and established legal norms. Power was understood as a trust, an ‘amanah’, not an absolute personal right. This idea sits at the heart of Islamic political thought and stands in sharp contrast to the stereotype of the Malay ruler as an unchecked autocrat.
\nIn effect, Pahang functioned as a constitutional monarchy centuries before the term existed.
\nWhy was this forgotten?
\nThe Hukum Kanun Pahang was rediscovered only in 1993 when an antique dealer brought the manuscript to Pekan and it was acquired by the Pahang State Museum. Illuminated in gold and preserved intact written by the Malays, in the Malay language, in Malay Jawi, for the Malay Sultanate, it is one of the oldest and most complete Malay legal manuscripts in existence.
\nYet for generations, our historical narratives focused elsewhere: on colonial administration, imported legal systems, and European models of governance. Indigenous constitutional traditions were sidelined, treated as customary or pre-modern, rather than recognised as sophisticated systems in their own right.
\nAs a result, the Hukum Kanun Pahang remained largely unknown to the public, despite its significance.
\n![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/2190d4e6-al-quran-pic-2-email-260426.webp\")
A constitution of civilisation
\nTo understand the importance of the Hukum Kanun Pahang, we must see Pahang not merely as a historical state, but as a sovereign civilisation, one with its own legal philosophy, constitutional consciousness, and moral order.
\nThis was a civilisation that governed land and sea through written law. A civilisation that believed justice mattered more than power. A civilisation where faith, governance, and daily life were inseparable.
\nWhen Islam came to the Malay world, it did not merely shape rituals and personal piety. It reshaped the architecture of the state. The Hukum Kanun Pahang reflects this transformation clearly, embedding Islamic principles into governance, administration, and maritime regulation.
\nWhy this matters today
\nUnderstanding the Hukum Kanun Pahang changes how we see ourselves.
\nIt reminds us that constitutional governance in the Malay world was not borrowed wholesale from colonial powers. It was indigenous, principled, and deeply rooted in our own history.
\nIt also invites a broader national conversation, about identity, sovereignty, and the values that once guided governance in this land. In a time when trust in institutions is often questioned, revisiting a tradition that placed law above power offers more than historical insight, it offers perspective.
\nThe Hukum Kanun Pahang is not merely a manuscript from the past. It is evidence that the Malay world once governed itself through law, conscience, and faith.
\nPerhaps it is time we remembered that.
\n\n
The Tengku Ampuan of Pahang, Tunku Azizah Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah, is a master’s candidate at the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilisation (ISTAC), International Islamic University Malaysia.
\n\n","content_text":"From the Tengku Ampuan of Pahang, Tunku Azizah Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah\nMost Malaysians believe that constitutional governance arrived with colonial rule, and that our modern constitutional monarchy began in the mid-20th century. Yet buried in our own history is a truth that challenges this assumption entirely.\nMore than four centuries ago, Pahang already had a written constitution.\nIt was called the Hukum Kanun Pahang.\nCompiled and codified during the reign of Sultan Abdul Ghaffar Muhyiddin Shah (1592-1614), the Hukum Kanun Pahang was not merely a collection of laws. It was a comprehensive legal code that governed the state, regulated trade, defined justice, and set limits on royal authority. In modern terms, it functioned as a constitution, one rooted in Islamic law, Malay custom, and moral accountability.\nWhat makes the Hukum Kanun Pahang even more remarkable is that it did not emerge in isolation. It represents the continuation and maturation of earlier Malay legal traditions, particularly the Hukum Kanun Melaka and the Undang-Undang Laut Melaka.\nWhen Melaka fell in 1511, its laws did not disappear. They migrated, were preserved, and were refined in Pahang. The Hukum Kanun Pahang absorbed both the constitutional principles of Melaka and its maritime legal wisdom, uniting land and sea into a single, coherent legal order. In this sense, Pahang did not merely inherit Melaka’s legacy, it completed and perfected it.\nLong before Western constitutional theory emerged, the Malay world had already articulated a system of governance grounded in law rather than conquest.\nA kingdom of law, not the sword\nPahang’s strength did not lie in empire-building or military expansion. It lay in something far more enduring: law and trust.\nSituated along the eastern seaboard of the Malay Peninsula, Pahang was a maritime kingdom connected to the Laut Melayu and the wider Indian Ocean world. Its rivers linked inland resources to international trade routes, while its ports welcomed merchants from the Arab world, Persia, China, and the archipelago. What drew traders to Pahang was not force, but security - the assurance that contracts would be honoured, disputes settled fairly, and piracy punished.\nThe Hukum Kanun Pahang made this possible. It regulated taxation, port administration, maritime conduct, commercial honesty, and criminal justice. It protected merchants, sailors, and vulnerable members of society. Piracy was treated not only as a crime against the state, but as a moral offence. Trade itself was framed as an ethical activity, governed by responsibility and faith.\nIn this system, the sea was not a lawless frontier. It was a governed space.\nThe Sultan was not above the law\nOne of the most striking features of the Hukum Kanun Pahang is that it did not place the Sultan above the law.\nAlthough enacted under royal authority, the code bound the Sultan himself to divine law, justice, and established legal norms. Power was understood as a trust, an ‘amanah’, not an absolute personal right. This idea sits at the heart of Islamic political thought and stands in sharp contrast to the stereotype of the Malay ruler as an unchecked autocrat.\nIn effect, Pahang functioned as a constitutional monarchy centuries before the term existed.\nWhy was this forgotten?\nThe Hukum Kanun Pahang was rediscovered only in 1993 when an antique dealer brought the manuscript to Pekan and it was acquired by the Pahang State Museum. Illuminated in gold and preserved intact written by the Malays, in the Malay language, in Malay Jawi, for the Malay Sultanate, it is one of the oldest and most complete Malay legal manuscripts in existence.\nYet for generations, our historical narratives focused elsewhere: on colonial administration, imported legal systems, and European models of governance. Indigenous constitutional traditions were sidelined, treated as customary or pre-modern, rather than recognised as sophisticated systems in their own right.\nAs a result, the Hukum Kanun Pahang remained largely unknown to the public, despite its significance.\n\nA constitution of civilisation\nTo understand the importance of the Hukum Kanun Pahang, we must see Pahang not merely as a historical state, but as a sovereign civilisation, one with its own legal philosophy, constitutional consciousness, and moral order.\nThis was a civilisation that governed land and sea through written law. A civilisation that believed justice mattered more than power. A civilisation where faith, governance, and daily life were inseparable.\nWhen Islam came to the Malay world, it did not merely shape rituals and personal piety. It reshaped the architecture of the state. The Hukum Kanun Pahang reflects this transformation clearly, embedding Islamic principles into governance, administration, and maritime regulation.\nWhy this matters today\nUnderstanding the Hukum Kanun Pahang changes how we see ourselves.\nIt reminds us that constitutional governance in the Malay world was not borrowed wholesale from colonial powers. It was indigenous, principled, and deeply rooted in our own history.\nIt also invites a broader national conversation, about identity, sovereignty, and the values that once guided governance in this land. In a time when trust in institutions is often questioned, revisiting a tradition that placed law above power offers more than historical insight, it offers perspective.\nThe Hukum Kanun Pahang is not merely a manuscript from the past. It is evidence that the Malay world once governed itself through law, conscience, and faith.\nPerhaps it is time we remembered that.\n \nThe Tengku Ampuan of Pahang, Tunku Azizah Aminah Maimunah Iskandariah, is a master’s candidate at the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilisation (ISTAC), International Islamic University Malaysia.","date_published":"2026-04-26T05:30:53.000Z","author":{"name":"Opinion"},"tags":["Highlight","Opinion","Top Opinion","Hukum Kanun Pahang","Islamic legal tradition","law","legal code","legal legacy","Malay constitutional history","Malay world","Pahang","pre-colonial governance"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/c14e873d-al-quran-pic-1-email-260426.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/c14e873d-al-quran-pic-1-email-260426.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/when-hiring-practices-dont-meet-candidate-expectations","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/when-hiring-practices-dont-meet-candidate-expectations","title":"When hiring practices don’t meet candidate expectations","summary":"How clear communication, transparency and basic respect are often lacking in today’s recruitment process.","content_html":"
![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/8acdf57b-lifestyle-candidates-emel-pic-250426.webp\")
From Ed Hamdan
\nIn today’s competitive job market, candidates are expected to present their best selves, with polished resumés, tailored applications and thoughtful interview responses. Yet the hiring experience itself often remains inconsistent – and, at times, discouraging.
\nHaving gone through multiple recruitment processes, I have noticed recurring challenges that many jobseekers quietly endure. These experiences are rarely discussed openly, but they shape how candidates perceive organisations and influence the broader talent landscape in Malaysia.
\nOne of the most common issues is the lack of communication. Candidates have been known to go through several rounds of interviews, invest significant time preparing, and then receive no update on their application status.
\nThis “ghosting” leaves individuals in limbo, unable to move forward with clarity, when a simple update or brief closure message can make a meaningful difference.
\nAnother concern is the lack of transparency on recruitment platforms, particularly around salary expectations and job scope.
\nCandidates are often asked about their expected salary early on, yet clear salary ranges are not always disclosed. This creates an imbalance and can lead to misaligned expectations later.
\nLengthy hiring processes also present challenges, especially when timelines stretch without updates. While thorough evaluation is important, efficiency and clarity are equally essential.
\nWithout them, even strong candidates may move on.
\nIt is important to acknowledge that recruitment is not without its constraints. Finding the right candidate requires careful consideration, and hiring teams juggle multiple priorities.
\nThat said, improving the candidate experience does not require major changes: small, consistent efforts can have a significant impact.
\nOrganisations could adopt standardised communication practices such as acknowledging applications and providing timely updates. Offering brief feedback where possible would also help candidates feel respected.
\nClear job descriptions and salary ranges can encourage more transparent discussions, while setting realistic timelines and communicating them upfront can further manage expectations on both sides.
\nUltimately, a considerate and transparent hiring process benefits everyone involved. Candidates feel informed and valued, while employers strengthen their reputation and attract stronger talent.
\nAs Malaysia continues to develop its workforce, it is worth reflecting on how hiring practices can evolve alongside these ambitions. By placing greater emphasis on transparency and communication, we can create a recruitment environment that is both efficient and respectful.
\n\n
Ed Hamdan is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Ed Hamdan\nIn today’s competitive job market, candidates are expected to present their best selves, with polished resumés, tailored applications and thoughtful interview responses. Yet the hiring experience itself often remains inconsistent - and, at times, discouraging.\nHaving gone through multiple recruitment processes, I have noticed recurring challenges that many jobseekers quietly endure. These experiences are rarely discussed openly, but they shape how candidates perceive organisations and influence the broader talent landscape in Malaysia.\nOne of the most common issues is the lack of communication. Candidates have been known to go through several rounds of interviews, invest significant time preparing, and then receive no update on their application status.\nThis “ghosting” leaves individuals in limbo, unable to move forward with clarity, when a simple update or brief closure message can make a meaningful difference.\nAnother concern is the lack of transparency on recruitment platforms, particularly around salary expectations and job scope.\nCandidates are often asked about their expected salary early on, yet clear salary ranges are not always disclosed. This creates an imbalance and can lead to misaligned expectations later.\nLengthy hiring processes also present challenges, especially when timelines stretch without updates. While thorough evaluation is important, efficiency and clarity are equally essential.\nWithout them, even strong candidates may move on.\nIt is important to acknowledge that recruitment is not without its constraints. Finding the right candidate requires careful consideration, and hiring teams juggle multiple priorities.\nThat said, improving the candidate experience does not require major changes: small, consistent efforts can have a significant impact.\nOrganisations could adopt standardised communication practices such as acknowledging applications and providing timely updates. Offering brief feedback where possible would also help candidates feel respected.\nClear job descriptions and salary ranges can encourage more transparent discussions, while setting realistic timelines and communicating them upfront can further manage expectations on both sides.\nUltimately, a considerate and transparent hiring process benefits everyone involved. Candidates feel informed and valued, while employers strengthen their reputation and attract stronger talent.\nAs Malaysia continues to develop its workforce, it is worth reflecting on how hiring practices can evolve alongside these ambitions. By placing greater emphasis on transparency and communication, we can create a recruitment environment that is both efficient and respectful.\n \nEd Hamdan is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-26T01:00:41.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","Lifestyle","Money","Top Lifestyle","careers","hiring","hiring process","jobs","money","salary","transparency","workplace"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/8acdf57b-lifestyle-candidates-emel-pic-250426.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/8acdf57b-lifestyle-candidates-emel-pic-250426.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/pengganti-azam-baki","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/pengganti-azam-baki","title":"Pengganti Azam Baki","summary":"Abdul Halim Aman selaku nakhoda baharu menggalas tugas berat iaitu memastikan SPRM menjalankan tugas dengan baik dan memulihkan imej tercalar.","content_html":"
Pada Khamis 23 April lalu, seorang kawan lama menghantar saya laporan media melalui WhatsApp bertajuk ‘Agong akan pilih ketua SPRM yang baru’ diiringi komen: “Agong dah tak percaya PMX’s decision making — baginda nak pilih sendiri”. Kawan saya ini bukanlah peminat Anwar Ibrahim.
\nJawapan saya, “well that’s one way of looking at it” tetapi kata saya apa-apa pelantikan oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong dibuat atas nasihat perdana menteri. Ini amalan lazim dan mengikut Perlembagaaan. Saya merujuk Perkara 40 Perlembagaan walapun saya bukanlah pakar perundangan. Seksyen 5(1) Akta Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia memperuntukkan kuasa kepada Agong untuk melantik ketua pesuruhjaya SPRM, atas nasihat perdana menteri.
\nNamun, pada 23 April lalu Sultan Ibrahim bertitah baginda akan menentukan calon terbaik untuk menerajui SPRM. Seorang pengulas, Hafiz Hassan, dalam suratnya di Malay Mail menulis Agong berhak mendapat apa-apa maklumat berkenaan dengan pemerintahan negara yang boleh didapati oleh Jemaah Menteri, seperti dinyatakan Perkara 40(1) Perlembagaan. Lalu, perdana menteri memaklumkan senarai calon telah dipersembahkan kepada Agong pada 24 April.
\nTentulah beberapa nama supaya Sultan Ibrahim punyai pilihan untuk memilih. Kesimpulan terbaik dibuat wartawan veteran, A Kadir Jasin, “The prime minister provides the list. The King choose whom he pleases”.
\nSemalam, Agong memperkenankan pelantikan bekas hakim mahkamah tinggi, Abdul Halim Aman, sebagai ketua pesuruhjaya baharu. Pelantikan juga diumumkan semalam oleh Ketua Setiausaha Negara Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar, berkuat kuasa 13 Mei.
\nPengumuman itu dibuat beberapa jam sebelum perhimpuan anti-Azam Baki diadakan di Kuala Lumpur. Saya yakin ‘timing of the announcement’ tidak ada kena-mengena dengan perhimpunan, apatah lagi untuk mendorong pembatalannya kerana penganjur dan peserta mahu Azam ditangkap, bukan sekadar digantikan. Lihat apa yang dikatakan mereka pada perhimpunan itu. Jelas mereka sudah menjatuhkan hukum ke atas Azam. Bagi mereka Azam bersalah meskipun dia belum berdepan apa-apa tindakan atau tuduhan pihak berkuasa.
\nPun begitu, jurucakap kerajaan, Fahmi Fadhil, kata siasatan ke atas pemilikan saham berkait Azam sudah selesai dengan keputusan muktamad kini di peringkat tertinggi kerajaan.
\nBenar Azam tercemar dan dikaitkan dengan pelbagai tuduhan penyelewengan atau salah laku. Namun, untuk berlaku adil apa pun pandangan peribadi, hakikatnya beliau ‘not guilty until proven’. Biasanya, orang kata ‘innocent until proven guilty’. Oleh itu tuduhan dilempar golongan tertentu buat masa ini kekal hanya tuduhan atau ‘mere accusation’. Saya ulangi ‘buat masa ini’.
\nPerlu dinyatakan juga penggantian Azam dibuat kerana kontraknya akan tamat pada 12 Mei. Sebelum ini kontrak beliau disambung tiga kali dengan setiap satu selama tempoh setahun — iaitu dari 12 Mei 2023 hingga 11 Mei 2024, 12 Mei 2024 hingga 12 Mei 2025, serta 13 Mei 2025 hingga 12 Mei tahun ini.
\nNama Azam pertama kali dicadangkan untuk jawatan ketua SPRM oleh Muhyiddin Yassin semasa beliau menjadi perdana menteri ke-8. Pelantikan Azam dibuat 9 Mac 2020 dan diperkenankan oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong ketika itu, Al-Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah.
\nAzam menggantikan Latheefa Koya, yang dilantik ketika Dr Mahathir Mohamad menjadi perdana menteri ke-7 (Mei 2018-Mac 2020). Latheefa hantar surat peletakan jawatan kepada Muhyiddin, selepas pentadbiran Mahathir tumbang susulan Langkah Sheraton.
\n‘Public perception’ tidak memihak kepada Azam dan malangnya terhadap agensi pimpinannya juga. Kena juga tempias. Lantas Halim selaku nakhoda baharu menggalas tugas berat iaitu memastikan SPRM menjalankan tugas dengan baik dan memulihkan imej yang tercalar. Imej tercalar itu, sama ada adil atau tidak, menyaksikan SPRM diselubungi krisis keyakinan di mata khalayak.
\nJawatan terakhirnya adalah hakim Mahkamah Tinggi Shah Alam. Beliau banyak menghakimi kes profil tinggi khususnya jenayah. Menurut Berita Harian, pada 2019 beliau menjatuhkan hukuman mati ke atas tiga individu dalam apa yang dikenali sebagai kes pembunuhan ‘tanpa mayat’ di Klang, yang disifatkan sebagai jenayah kejam, ganas, dan tidak berperikemanusiaan.
\nPada tahun sama, Halim menolak rayuan penceramah Wan Ji Wan Hussin dalam kes hasutan membabitkan komen terhadap Sultan Selangor, dan meningkatkan hukuman kepada satu tahun penjara dengan merujuk kepada prinsip Rukun Negara mengenai kesetiaan kepada Raja. Pada 2021 pula, beliau menjatuhkan hukuman mati ke atas suami seorang pengasuh atas kesalahan membunuh bayi berusia 11 bulan, menyifatkan perbuatan itu sebagai tidak berhati perut dan tidak berperikemanusiaan.
\nCukup setakat itu. Bagi Berita Harian, pengalaman luas Halim mengkukuhkan profil beliau sebagai tokoh kehakiman berpengalaman. Sekarang pengalaman itu dibawa ke SPRM.
\nKhamis lalu, Agong bertitah jawatan ketua SPRM amat penting dalam memastikan badan itu terus berperanan secara berkesan dalam membanters rasuah, penyelewengan, dan salah guna kuasa.
\nPada hari itu juga, Sultan Ibrahim bertitah: “Saya akan menentukan siapa calon terbaik untuk menerajui SPRM selepas ini” dan tidak perlu mana-mana pihak mempolitikkan perkara itu.
\nHari ini yakni tiga hari selepas bertitah demikian, Sultan Ibrahim sudah laksana apa yang dijanjikan. Ertinya Abdul Halim Aman adalah pilihan terbaik. Maka beliau mesti memikul tanggungjawab dan kepercayaan yang diberi kepadanya oleh Agong dan rakyat.
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Pada Khamis 23 April lalu, seorang kawan lama menghantar saya laporan media melalui WhatsApp bertajuk 'Agong akan pilih ketua SPRM yang baru' diiringi komen: \"Agong dah tak percaya PMX's decision making - baginda nak pilih sendiri\". Kawan saya ini bukanlah peminat Anwar Ibrahim.\nJawapan saya, \"well that's one way of looking at it\" tetapi kata saya apa-apa pelantikan oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong dibuat atas nasihat perdana menteri. Ini amalan lazim dan mengikut Perlembagaaan. Saya merujuk Perkara 40 Perlembagaan walapun saya bukanlah pakar perundangan. Seksyen 5(1) Akta Suruhanjaya Pencegahan Rasuah Malaysia memperuntukkan kuasa kepada Agong untuk melantik ketua pesuruhjaya SPRM, atas nasihat perdana menteri.\nNamun, pada 23 April lalu Sultan Ibrahim bertitah baginda akan menentukan calon terbaik untuk menerajui SPRM. Seorang pengulas, Hafiz Hassan, dalam suratnya di Malay Mail menulis Agong berhak mendapat apa-apa maklumat berkenaan dengan pemerintahan negara yang boleh didapati oleh Jemaah Menteri, seperti dinyatakan Perkara 40(1) Perlembagaan. Lalu, perdana menteri memaklumkan senarai calon telah dipersembahkan kepada Agong pada 24 April.\nTentulah beberapa nama supaya Sultan Ibrahim punyai pilihan untuk memilih. Kesimpulan terbaik dibuat wartawan veteran, A Kadir Jasin, \"The prime minister provides the list. The King choose whom he pleases\".\nSemalam, Agong memperkenankan pelantikan bekas hakim mahkamah tinggi, Abdul Halim Aman, sebagai ketua pesuruhjaya baharu. Pelantikan juga diumumkan semalam oleh Ketua Setiausaha Negara Shamsul Azri Abu Bakar, berkuat kuasa 13 Mei.\nPengumuman itu dibuat beberapa jam sebelum perhimpuan anti-Azam Baki diadakan di Kuala Lumpur. Saya yakin 'timing of the announcement' tidak ada kena-mengena dengan perhimpunan, apatah lagi untuk mendorong pembatalannya kerana penganjur dan peserta mahu Azam ditangkap, bukan sekadar digantikan. Lihat apa yang dikatakan mereka pada perhimpunan itu. Jelas mereka sudah menjatuhkan hukum ke atas Azam. Bagi mereka Azam bersalah meskipun dia belum berdepan apa-apa tindakan atau tuduhan pihak berkuasa.\nPun begitu, jurucakap kerajaan, Fahmi Fadhil, kata siasatan ke atas pemilikan saham berkait Azam sudah selesai dengan keputusan muktamad kini di peringkat tertinggi kerajaan.\nBenar Azam tercemar dan dikaitkan dengan pelbagai tuduhan penyelewengan atau salah laku. Namun, untuk berlaku adil apa pun pandangan peribadi, hakikatnya beliau 'not guilty until proven'. Biasanya, orang kata 'innocent until proven guilty'. Oleh itu tuduhan dilempar golongan tertentu buat masa ini kekal hanya tuduhan atau 'mere accusation'. Saya ulangi 'buat masa ini'.\nPerlu dinyatakan juga penggantian Azam dibuat kerana kontraknya akan tamat pada 12 Mei. Sebelum ini kontrak beliau disambung tiga kali dengan setiap satu selama tempoh setahun - iaitu dari 12 Mei 2023 hingga 11 Mei 2024, 12 Mei 2024 hingga 12 Mei 2025, serta 13 Mei 2025 hingga 12 Mei tahun ini.\nNama Azam pertama kali dicadangkan untuk jawatan ketua SPRM oleh Muhyiddin Yassin semasa beliau menjadi perdana menteri ke-8. Pelantikan Azam dibuat 9 Mac 2020 dan diperkenankan oleh Yang di-Pertuan Agong ketika itu, Al-Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah.\nAzam menggantikan Latheefa Koya, yang dilantik ketika Dr Mahathir Mohamad menjadi perdana menteri ke-7 (Mei 2018-Mac 2020). Latheefa hantar surat peletakan jawatan kepada Muhyiddin, selepas pentadbiran Mahathir tumbang susulan Langkah Sheraton.\n'Public perception' tidak memihak kepada Azam dan malangnya terhadap agensi pimpinannya juga. Kena juga tempias. Lantas Halim selaku nakhoda baharu menggalas tugas berat iaitu memastikan SPRM menjalankan tugas dengan baik dan memulihkan imej yang tercalar. Imej tercalar itu, sama ada adil atau tidak, menyaksikan SPRM diselubungi krisis keyakinan di mata khalayak.\nJawatan terakhirnya adalah hakim Mahkamah Tinggi Shah Alam. Beliau banyak menghakimi kes profil tinggi khususnya jenayah. Menurut Berita Harian, pada 2019 beliau menjatuhkan hukuman mati ke atas tiga individu dalam apa yang dikenali sebagai kes pembunuhan 'tanpa mayat' di Klang, yang disifatkan sebagai jenayah kejam, ganas, dan tidak berperikemanusiaan.\nPada tahun sama, Halim menolak rayuan penceramah Wan Ji Wan Hussin dalam kes hasutan membabitkan komen terhadap Sultan Selangor, dan meningkatkan hukuman kepada satu tahun penjara dengan merujuk kepada prinsip Rukun Negara mengenai kesetiaan kepada Raja. Pada 2021 pula, beliau menjatuhkan hukuman mati ke atas suami seorang pengasuh atas kesalahan membunuh bayi berusia 11 bulan, menyifatkan perbuatan itu sebagai tidak berhati perut dan tidak berperikemanusiaan.\nCukup setakat itu. Bagi Berita Harian, pengalaman luas Halim mengkukuhkan profil beliau sebagai tokoh kehakiman berpengalaman. Sekarang pengalaman itu dibawa ke SPRM.\nKhamis lalu, Agong bertitah jawatan ketua SPRM amat penting dalam memastikan badan itu terus berperanan secara berkesan dalam membanters rasuah, penyelewengan, dan salah guna kuasa.\nPada hari itu juga, Sultan Ibrahim bertitah: \"Saya akan menentukan siapa calon terbaik untuk menerajui SPRM selepas ini\" dan tidak perlu mana-mana pihak mempolitikkan perkara itu.\nHari ini yakni tiga hari selepas bertitah demikian, Sultan Ibrahim sudah laksana apa yang dijanjikan. Ertinya Abdul Halim Aman adalah pilihan terbaik. Maka beliau mesti memikul tanggungjawab dan kepercayaan yang diberi kepadanya oleh Agong dan rakyat.\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-26T00:00:56.000Z","author":{"name":"Mohsin Abdullah"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Abdul Halim Aman","Azam Baki","ketua pesuruhajaya sprm","KP SPRM","mohsin abdullah"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/crisis-what-crisis","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/26/crisis-what-crisis","title":"Crisis? What crisis?","summary":"Business groups, transport and logistics companies and SME associations paint a picture of impending crisis but is this narrative justified, or is it another case of overstatement?","content_html":"![\"geoffrey\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/f936b334-geoffrey-williams-columnist-010624-1.webp\")
The Middle East conflict is casting a shadow over the global economy, and some local voices warn that Malaysia could face severe economic fallout.
\nExamining the facts, especially the extended ceasefire and ongoing attempts at peace talks, it becomes clear that while vigilance is necessary, Malaysia’s economic fundamentals remain robust, and the “crisis” narrative may be overstated.
\nOf course, uncertainties in regions like the Middle East have ripple effects on trade, energy prices and supply chains, causing local business groups to argue that shipping delays and potential cost increases could squeeze margins.
\nSME associations worry over rising input prices. Transport and logistics companies point to risks in routes and potential increase in insurance premiums.
\nCloser analysis reveals that these fears, though understandable, do not reflect the full picture.
\nFirst, despite global pressures, Malaysia’s inflation rate remains among the lowest in the region and will hover around 1.5% to 2.0% this year.
\nThis is not an accident. The government’s commitment to price controls and targeted subsidies, as well as the strong ringgit help shield consumers and businesses alike from imported inflation.
\nThe price of subsidised RON95 petrol and diesel quotas for eligible users remain unchanged, directly benefiting transporters, traders, and smallholders.
\nIn fact, the government has rolled out additional support for these groups, ensuring that the backbone of the economy, SMEs and micro-entrepreneurs, are better protected from global shocks.
\nSome may argue that these measures are only temporary relief. However, the data and forecasts tell a more reassuring story.
\nThe World Bank projects Malaysia’s GDP to grow by 4.4% in 2026, while the IMF is even more optimistic at 4.7%. These forecasts are not outliers. They are broadly in line with Bank Negara analysis.
\nSimply put, the fundamentals of the economy remain strong and international confidence in Malaysia’s economic management is firm.
\nThis confidence is further supported by Malaysia’s record-breaking trade performance in the first quarter of this year.
\nDespite external headwinds, export and import figures have reached new highs, reflecting the resilience of the manufacturing and commodity sectors and the agility of exporters to pivot towards alternative markets when necessary.
\nThe unity government’s proactive approach to diversifying trade partners, moving beyond over-dependence on any single region, has ensured that disruptions in one area do not automatically translate into nationwide economic distress.
\nForeign direct investment (FDI) and domestic investment approvals for 2024-25 tell a similar story.
\nNot only have we seen approvals at record levels but these investments are now being implemented, translating into job creation, technology transfer and sustained economic momentum.
\nThese are not promises on paper but real commitments that are materialising on the ground, fuelling Malaysia’s growth engine in the coming years.
\nNone of this is to suggest that we are immune to uncertainty or risk. The world is an unpredictable place, and prudent policymakers never take stability for granted.
\nHowever, the unity government’s approach has been proactive, cautious, and responsive, adjusting policies as needed and providing timely support to vulnerable groups.
\nThe agility and resolve shown in recent years have positioned Malaysia well to navigate ongoing challenges, from geopolitical tensions to shifting global market dynamics.
\nIt is important to acknowledge the risks from the Middle East conflict but equally important to recognise Malaysia’s resilience.
\nConcern from business groups deserve to be heard but it should not drown out the evidence of stability and strength in Malaysia’s economic foundations.
\nTo focus on the facts, inflation is low, trade is strong, investments are flowing and policy is adaptable.
\nThe “crisis” narrative, in this case, does not hold. Malaysia has weathered storms before and with sound policymaking and collective resolve will do so again.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"The Middle East conflict is casting a shadow over the global economy, and some local voices warn that Malaysia could face severe economic fallout.\nExamining the facts, especially the extended ceasefire and ongoing attempts at peace talks, it becomes clear that while vigilance is necessary, Malaysia’s economic fundamentals remain robust, and the “crisis” narrative may be overstated.\nOf course, uncertainties in regions like the Middle East have ripple effects on trade, energy prices and supply chains, causing local business groups to argue that shipping delays and potential cost increases could squeeze margins.\nSME associations worry over rising input prices. Transport and logistics companies point to risks in routes and potential increase in insurance premiums.\nCloser analysis reveals that these fears, though understandable, do not reflect the full picture.\nFirst, despite global pressures, Malaysia’s inflation rate remains among the lowest in the region and will hover around 1.5% to 2.0% this year.\nThis is not an accident. The government’s commitment to price controls and targeted subsidies, as well as the strong ringgit help shield consumers and businesses alike from imported inflation.\nThe price of subsidised RON95 petrol and diesel quotas for eligible users remain unchanged, directly benefiting transporters, traders, and smallholders.\nIn fact, the government has rolled out additional support for these groups, ensuring that the backbone of the economy, SMEs and micro-entrepreneurs, are better protected from global shocks.\nSome may argue that these measures are only temporary relief. However, the data and forecasts tell a more reassuring story.\nThe World Bank projects Malaysia’s GDP to grow by 4.4% in 2026, while the IMF is even more optimistic at 4.7%. These forecasts are not outliers. They are broadly in line with Bank Negara analysis.\nSimply put, the fundamentals of the economy remain strong and international confidence in Malaysia’s economic management is firm.\nThis confidence is further supported by Malaysia’s record-breaking trade performance in the first quarter of this year.\nDespite external headwinds, export and import figures have reached new highs, reflecting the resilience of the manufacturing and commodity sectors and the agility of exporters to pivot towards alternative markets when necessary.\nThe unity government’s proactive approach to diversifying trade partners, moving beyond over-dependence on any single region, has ensured that disruptions in one area do not automatically translate into nationwide economic distress.\nForeign direct investment (FDI) and domestic investment approvals for 2024-25 tell a similar story.\nNot only have we seen approvals at record levels but these investments are now being implemented, translating into job creation, technology transfer and sustained economic momentum.\nThese are not promises on paper but real commitments that are materialising on the ground, fuelling Malaysia’s growth engine in the coming years.\nNone of this is to suggest that we are immune to uncertainty or risk. The world is an unpredictable place, and prudent policymakers never take stability for granted.\nHowever, the unity government’s approach has been proactive, cautious, and responsive, adjusting policies as needed and providing timely support to vulnerable groups.\nThe agility and resolve shown in recent years have positioned Malaysia well to navigate ongoing challenges, from geopolitical tensions to shifting global market dynamics.\nIt is important to acknowledge the risks from the Middle East conflict but equally important to recognise Malaysia's resilience.\nConcern from business groups deserve to be heard but it should not drown out the evidence of stability and strength in Malaysia’s economic foundations.\nTo focus on the facts, inflation is low, trade is strong, investments are flowing and policy is adaptable.\nThe “crisis” narrative, in this case, does not hold. Malaysia has weathered storms before and with sound policymaking and collective resolve will do so again.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-25T23:30:58.000Z","author":{"name":"Geoffrey Williams"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Business","Local Business","Top Business","ceasefire","crisis","Economy","FDI","inflation","Middle East","price control","subsidies"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/f936b334-geoffrey-williams-columnist-010624-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/f936b334-geoffrey-williams-columnist-010624-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/25/why-dbkls-car-first-approach-is-slowing-kls-traffic","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/25/why-dbkls-car-first-approach-is-slowing-kls-traffic","title":"Why DBKL’s car-first approach is slowing KL’s traffic","summary":"Capital city policies prioritising vehicle flow worsen pedestrian safety and encourage driving.","content_html":"![\"bukit](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/8ebaa104-bukit-bintang-crowd-bernama-220426.webp\")
From Boo Jia Cher
\nA few days ago, I stood at a pedestrian crossing in Bukit Bintang alongside office workers, tourists and shoppers. The signal took a long time to change. As the wait dragged on, people began edging forward, scanning for a gap in traffic.
\nThe waiting time appears to have increased, likely to allow more vehicles to pass through the junction, especially during peak hours. The assumption seems to be that giving cars longer green lights will improve traffic flow.
\nBut even with the extra time, traffic remained slow. Mostly it was just one person in the car — the driver.
\nWhen ‘free flow’ means no crossing
\nThe Kuala Lumpur City Hall (DBKL) has also introduced flashing amber lights at certain junctions during peak hours. In practice, this removes the normal red-green signal cycle for vehicles to improve traffic flow.
\nTechnically, drivers are supposed to slow down and give way to pedestrians at zebra crossings.
\nIn reality, that assumption doesn’t hold. Drivers in KL rarely stop at zebra crossings even under normal conditions.
\nWith flashing amber lights, pedestrians are left negotiating in a constant stream of traffic, without a clear right of way, a protected crossing phase, or any real sense of safety.
\nIt effectively prioritises uninterrupted vehicle movement while shifting the burden and risk onto pedestrians.
\nAnother attempt to “improve traffic flow” ends up doing so only for drivers, while making the city harder to navigate for everyone else.
\nThe limits of increasing road capacity
\nThe core issue of the two examples described above is that we are treating the city centre primarily as a space for moving vehicles quickly.
\nExpanding roads, extending green lights or even vanquishing green lights altogether does not reduce congestion. Instead, it encourages more people to drive.
\nAt the same time, conditions for walking deteriorate, leaving us stuck with longer waits at crossings, limited shade and generally uncomfortable streets. As walking becomes less practical, more people choose to drive, even for short distances.
\nFear of ‘losing face’
\nThis also reinforces social perceptions around transport. Public transport, especially buses, can carry a poor reputation in general, leading some people to avoid it even when it can be convenient.
\nConcerns about “losing face” influence commuting choices, adding more cars to the road unnecessarily.
\nTransportation modes are tied to class politics. When buses are seen as “low class”, people with means stick to private cars, often carrying just one person.
\nThe role of the level of service
\nMuch of the logic of letting traffic flow non-stop is shaped by how traffic is measured. Our roads are designed by traffic engineers who rely on level of service (LOS), which grades roads based on how freely vehicles move.
\nLOS focuses largely on minimising delays for drivers only. This leads to decisions such as extending green lights for cars, increasing road capacity, and reducing interruptions to vehicle flow.
\nNon-drivers are completely forgotten within this framework. Optimising for vehicle flow can result in longer waiting times for pedestrians and hostile street conditions.
\nPedestrian behaviour and safety
\nWhen people are required to wait several minutes for a short crossing window, or are not given a proper crossing at all, they will cross during gaps in traffic rather than wait.
\nThis also increases safety risks. When pedestrian needs are not properly accommodated, people lose faith in the system and begin to act on their own accord, and understandably so.
\nThe space efficiency issue
\nDifferent modes of transport use road space very differently. Private cars, especially with single occupants, are the least efficient and contribute most to congestion.
\nPrioritising the least efficient mode of transport means fewer people can move through the same area.
\nA properly enforced bus lane and a safe, shaded sidewalk to an LRT station, for example, can move far more people per hour than several lanes of private cars.
\nRethinking priorities
\nReducing congestion requires making alternatives to driving viable. This includes:
\nOver time, this could extend to reconfiguring wide but congested roads: reducing space for cars while adding bus lanes and protected cycling paths.
\nCongestion pricing should also eventually be on the table, not just to discourage excessive car use, but to generate funding for more efficient and equitable transport alternatives.
\nAnd when alternatives become more efficient and convenient, more people will choose them.
\nAn alternative future
\nWhile many major cities globally are actively reducing car use in their centres, KL continues to double down on it, even experimenting with “free flow” systems that effectively sideline non-drivers.
\nIt’s time for a 21st-century shift.
\nDBKL needs to prioritise walking, cycling and public transport, instead of designing a city that makes it easier for cars to dominate and clog our streets.
\nBoo Jia Cher is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Boo Jia Cher\nA few days ago, I stood at a pedestrian crossing in Bukit Bintang alongside office workers, tourists and shoppers. The signal took a long time to change. As the wait dragged on, people began edging forward, scanning for a gap in traffic.\nThe waiting time appears to have increased, likely to allow more vehicles to pass through the junction, especially during peak hours. The assumption seems to be that giving cars longer green lights will improve traffic flow.\nBut even with the extra time, traffic remained slow. Mostly it was just one person in the car — the driver.\nWhen ‘free flow’ means no crossing\nThe Kuala Lumpur City Hall (DBKL) has also introduced flashing amber lights at certain junctions during peak hours. In practice, this removes the normal red-green signal cycle for vehicles to improve traffic flow.\nTechnically, drivers are supposed to slow down and give way to pedestrians at zebra crossings.\nIn reality, that assumption doesn’t hold. Drivers in KL rarely stop at zebra crossings even under normal conditions.\nWith flashing amber lights, pedestrians are left negotiating in a constant stream of traffic, without a clear right of way, a protected crossing phase, or any real sense of safety.\nIt effectively prioritises uninterrupted vehicle movement while shifting the burden and risk onto pedestrians.\nAnother attempt to “improve traffic flow” ends up doing so only for drivers, while making the city harder to navigate for everyone else.\nThe limits of increasing road capacity\nThe core issue of the two examples described above is that we are treating the city centre primarily as a space for moving vehicles quickly.\nExpanding roads, extending green lights or even vanquishing green lights altogether does not reduce congestion. Instead, it encourages more people to drive.\nAt the same time, conditions for walking deteriorate, leaving us stuck with longer waits at crossings, limited shade and generally uncomfortable streets. As walking becomes less practical, more people choose to drive, even for short distances.\nFear of ‘losing face’\nThis also reinforces social perceptions around transport. Public transport, especially buses, can carry a poor reputation in general, leading some people to avoid it even when it can be convenient.\nConcerns about “losing face” influence commuting choices, adding more cars to the road unnecessarily.\nTransportation modes are tied to class politics. When buses are seen as “low class”, people with means stick to private cars, often carrying just one person.\nThe role of the level of service\nMuch of the logic of letting traffic flow non-stop is shaped by how traffic is measured. Our roads are designed by traffic engineers who rely on level of service (LOS), which grades roads based on how freely vehicles move.\nLOS focuses largely on minimising delays for drivers only. This leads to decisions such as extending green lights for cars, increasing road capacity, and reducing interruptions to vehicle flow.\nNon-drivers are completely forgotten within this framework. Optimising for vehicle flow can result in longer waiting times for pedestrians and hostile street conditions.\nPedestrian behaviour and safety \nWhen people are required to wait several minutes for a short crossing window, or are not given a proper crossing at all, they will cross during gaps in traffic rather than wait.\nThis also increases safety risks. When pedestrian needs are not properly accommodated, people lose faith in the system and begin to act on their own accord, and understandably so.\nThe space efficiency issue\nDifferent modes of transport use road space very differently. Private cars, especially with single occupants, are the least efficient and contribute most to congestion.\nPrioritising the least efficient mode of transport means fewer people can move through the same area.\nA properly enforced bus lane and a safe, shaded sidewalk to an LRT station, for example, can move far more people per hour than several lanes of private cars.\nRethinking priorities\nReducing congestion requires making alternatives to driving viable. This includes:\n\nShorter waiting times and protected phases at pedestrian crossings,\nContinuous, shaded walkways,\nProperly enforced bus lanes that allow public transport to move reliably,\nSafe cycling infrastructure and last-mile options like bike-share.\n\nOver time, this could extend to reconfiguring wide but congested roads: reducing space for cars while adding bus lanes and protected cycling paths.\nCongestion pricing should also eventually be on the table, not just to discourage excessive car use, but to generate funding for more efficient and equitable transport alternatives.\nAnd when alternatives become more efficient and convenient, more people will choose them.\nAn alternative future \nWhile many major cities globally are actively reducing car use in their centres, KL continues to double down on it, even experimenting with “free flow” systems that effectively sideline non-drivers.\nIt’s time for a 21st-century shift.\nDBKL needs to prioritise walking, cycling and public transport, instead of designing a city that makes it easier for cars to dominate and clog our streets.\nBoo Jia Cher is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-25T00:00:28.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","cars","DBKL","free-flow traffic","Kuala Lumpur","pedestrians","public transport","traffic","traffic congestion","urban transport"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/8ebaa104-bukit-bintang-crowd-bernama-220426.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/8ebaa104-bukit-bintang-crowd-bernama-220426.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/25/kj-can-give-sanusi-a-run-for-his-money","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/25/kj-can-give-sanusi-a-run-for-his-money","title":"KJ can give Sanusi a run for his money","summary":"The former Umno Youth chief is equally popular and the odds are in his favour when it comes to the non-Malay electorate.","content_html":"![\"tajuddin\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2362bb58-tajuddin-rasdi-new-columnist-eng-150724-1.webp\")
Some analysts are of the view that former Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin would not be an ideal candidate to stand in Kedah for the 16th general election.
\nThese analysts argue that the former minister’s more broad-based appeal is a mismatch for Kedah’s “kopitiam-style” politics, where voters tend to be more sceptical of the kind of progressive leanings Khairy subscribes to.
\nBut I beg to differ. I believe Khairy can give the incredibly popular Kedah menteri besar, Sanusi Nor, a run for his money.
\nFor one, politics is about popularity. For the most part, the issues that matter tend to take a back seat. Social media likes have a higher value than, say, a solid argument for or against a policy.
\n\nPolitics in Peninsular Malaysia, sadly, revolves around race, religion and motorcycle convoys, something we have to accept begrudgingly.
\nIn this context, Sanusi is a safe bet at the polls. He plays football with regular Joes and mingles with people at warungs.
\nHis bravado and off-colour remarks often make the headlines, but he can also turn meek as a mouse in the face of a royal rebuke..
\nSanusi is also street-smart and a very shrewd politician. He is a tough act to follow. I know of no other politician who reigns supreme in the popularity contest.
\nBut enter Khairy, whose appeal extends to non-Malays.
\nAlso, unlike Sanusi, Khairy has not said anything to infuriate non-Malays, with caustic remarks largely directed at Umno’s rivals.
\nHe also has additional brownie points for publicly disagreeing with Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh, whose antics have rubbed the non-Malay electorate the wrong way.
\nKhairy’s Keluar Sekejap podcast, launched after he was sacked from Umno, has also boosted his popularity and reinvented him as something of a statesman. Even DAP’s Ong Kian Ming sings his praises.
\nIn short, Khairy is not only popular—he would likely win over non-Malays, a vote bank that could prove crucial if Malay votes are split.
\nKhairy’s brand also gives him an edge over Sanusi when it comes to young voters, who are likely to choose a candidate with substance over one who, at times, plays the jester.
\nOlder voters are likely to prefer Sanusi’s brand of politics, but Khairy could still provide some competition. He is, after all, in his 50s. Khairy just needs to frequent suraus, mosques and coffee shops.
\nWhen it comes to Muslim voters, they are either progressive-moderate or conservative. In this instance, both Sanusi and Khairy are evenly matched, as voters would choose candidates whose religious principles align with theirs.
\nNow, combine these factors with Umno’s machinery and the party’s “Rumah Bangsa” initiative, and Sanusi may end up having to pack the personal belongings he has at the menteri besar’s office.
\nThe bigger question, though, is whether Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s Umno would allow Khairy to boost his political standing by taking on Sanusi.
\nWhat if he emerges as a giant-killer?
\nUmno cannot ignore Khairy’s popularity (or fail to exploit it for the party’s sake), but the current crop of leaders may be wary of Khairy getting stronger as this will entice him to challenge for the party’s top posts.
\nOne way to bring a resurgent Khairy back down to earth is by giving him an unwinnable seat—much like what the party did previously by naming him the candidate for Sungai Buloh in the last general election.
\nKhairy lost to PKR’s R Ramanan by a 2,693-vote majority.
\nStill, a Khairy–Sanusi battle would be a win-win for Umno’s leadership.
\nIf Khairy fails, they can shrug off the loss and say they gave him a chance, but he blew it.
\nBut if Khairy wins, the Umno leadership will come off as brilliant tacticians and earn themselves some bragging rights.
\nAnd while I believe Khairy can give Sanusi a run for his money, there is no denying that unseating the PAS election director would be a Herculean task.
\nHistory, however, has shown that it is not impossible.
\nPKR’s Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, then the Barisan Alternatif candidate, defeated Barisan Nasional’s S Anthonysamy with a 530-vote majority at the Lunas by-election in 2000.
\nIt was a historic “in-your-face” victory, considering that BN was then led by Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
\nMiracles do happen in Malaysia, and they could happen again with Khairy in Kedah.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Some analysts are of the view that former Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin would not be an ideal candidate to stand in Kedah for the 16th general election.\nThese analysts argue that the former minister’s more broad-based appeal is a mismatch for Kedah’s “kopitiam-style” politics, where voters tend to be more sceptical of the kind of progressive leanings Khairy subscribes to.\nBut I beg to differ. I believe Khairy can give the incredibly popular Kedah menteri besar, Sanusi Nor, a run for his money.\nFor one, politics is about popularity. For the most part, the issues that matter tend to take a back seat. Social media likes have a higher value than, say, a solid argument for or against a policy.\n\nPolitics in Peninsular Malaysia, sadly, revolves around race, religion and motorcycle convoys, something we have to accept begrudgingly.\nIn this context, Sanusi is a safe bet at the polls. He plays football with regular Joes and mingles with people at warungs.\nHis bravado and off-colour remarks often make the headlines, but he can also turn meek as a mouse in the face of a royal rebuke..\nSanusi is also street-smart and a very shrewd politician. He is a tough act to follow. I know of no other politician who reigns supreme in the popularity contest.\nBut enter Khairy, whose appeal extends to non-Malays.\nAlso, unlike Sanusi, Khairy has not said anything to infuriate non-Malays, with caustic remarks largely directed at Umno’s rivals.\nHe also has additional brownie points for publicly disagreeing with Umno Youth chief Dr Akmal Saleh, whose antics have rubbed the non-Malay electorate the wrong way.\nKhairy’s Keluar Sekejap podcast, launched after he was sacked from Umno, has also boosted his popularity and reinvented him as something of a statesman. Even DAP’s Ong Kian Ming sings his praises.\nIn short, Khairy is not only popular—he would likely win over non-Malays, a vote bank that could prove crucial if Malay votes are split.\nKhairy’s brand also gives him an edge over Sanusi when it comes to young voters, who are likely to choose a candidate with substance over one who, at times, plays the jester.\nOlder voters are likely to prefer Sanusi’s brand of politics, but Khairy could still provide some competition. He is, after all, in his 50s. Khairy just needs to frequent suraus, mosques and coffee shops.\nWhen it comes to Muslim voters, they are either progressive-moderate or conservative. In this instance, both Sanusi and Khairy are evenly matched, as voters would choose candidates whose religious principles align with theirs.\nNow, combine these factors with Umno’s machinery and the party’s “Rumah Bangsa” initiative, and Sanusi may end up having to pack the personal belongings he has at the menteri besar’s office.\nThe bigger question, though, is whether Ahmad Zahid Hamidi’s Umno would allow Khairy to boost his political standing by taking on Sanusi.\nWhat if he emerges as a giant-killer?\nUmno cannot ignore Khairy’s popularity (or fail to exploit it for the party’s sake), but the current crop of leaders may be wary of Khairy getting stronger as this will entice him to challenge for the party’s top posts.\nOne way to bring a resurgent Khairy back down to earth is by giving him an unwinnable seat—much like what the party did previously by naming him the candidate for Sungai Buloh in the last general election.\nKhairy lost to PKR’s R Ramanan by a 2,693-vote majority.\nStill, a Khairy–Sanusi battle would be a win-win for Umno’s leadership.\nIf Khairy fails, they can shrug off the loss and say they gave him a chance, but he blew it.\nBut if Khairy wins, the Umno leadership will come off as brilliant tacticians and earn themselves some bragging rights.\nAnd while I believe Khairy can give Sanusi a run for his money, there is no denying that unseating the PAS election director would be a Herculean task.\nHistory, however, has shown that it is not impossible.\nPKR’s Saifuddin Nasution Ismail, then the Barisan Alternatif candidate, defeated Barisan Nasional’s S Anthonysamy with a 530-vote majority at the Lunas by-election in 2000.\nIt was a historic “in-your-face” victory, considering that BN was then led by Dr Mahathir Mohamad.\nMiracles do happen in Malaysia, and they could happen again with Khairy in Kedah.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-24T23:00:35.000Z","author":{"name":"Tajuddin Rasdi"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Election","Kedah","Khairy Jamaluddin","sanusi nor","Umno"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2362bb58-tajuddin-rasdi-new-columnist-eng-150724-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2362bb58-tajuddin-rasdi-new-columnist-eng-150724-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/25/kj-boleh-saing-sanusi-di-bumi-kedah","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/25/kj-boleh-saing-sanusi-di-bumi-kedah","title":"KJ boleh saing Sanusi di bumi Kedah","summary":"Bekas ketua Pemuda Umno itu juga popular, malah undi masyarakat bukan Melayu mungkin memihak kepadanya.","content_html":"![\"tajuddin](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/834e932d-tajuddin-rasdi-columnist-bm-060524.webp\")
Sesetengah penganalisis berpendapat bekas ketua Pemuda Umno, Khairy Jamaluddin, bukanlah calon ideal untuk bertanding di Kedah pada PRU16.
\nMereka berhujah bahawa Khairy tidak secocok dengan politik ‘kedai kopi’ di Kedah, di mana pengundi cenderung skeptikal akan kecenderungan progresif yang didukung Khairy, kecenderungan sama yang memberikan beliau daya penarik yang kuat.
\nSaya mempunyai pandangan berbeza. Saya percaya Khairy mampu memberi saingan sengit kepada menteri besar Kedah yang sangat popular, Sanusi Nor.
\nPertama sekali, politik adalah soal populariti. Lazimnya, dalam peraduan populariti, isu-isu penting sering diketepikan. Jumlah ‘likes’ di media sosial mempunyai nilai yang lebih tinggi berbanding, misalnya, hujah bernas apabila mengupas sesuatu perkara.
\n\nMalangnya, politik di Semenanjung masih berkisar tentang kaum, agama, dan konvoi motosikal — sesuatu yang terpaksa kita telan dengan rasa gundah.
\nDalam konteks ini, Sanusi pertaruhan yang selamat di peti undi. Beliau bermain bola sepak dengan rakyat biasa dan bergaul dengan orang ramai di warung-warung.
\nKeberanian dan kenyataannya yang kasar sering menghiasi dada akhbar, namun beliau juga boleh menikus apabila ditegur Istana.
\nSanusi juga seorang ahli politik yang licik dan pintar. Sukar untuk menandingi gayanya. Saya tidak mengenali ahli politik lain yang begitu dominan dalam peraduan populariti.
\nMuncul pula Khairy, yang memiliki daya tarikan melangkaui masyarakat Melayu.
\nMalah, berbeza dengan Sanusi, Khairy tidak pernah mengeluarkan kenyataan yang menyakitkan hati orang bukan Melayu mutakhir ini; sindiran pedas beliau kebanyakannya ditujukan pada seteru Umno.
\nBeliau juga meraih “markah bonus” kerana secara terbuka tidak bersetuju dengan Ketua Pemuda Umno, Dr Akmal Saleh, apabila gelagatnya mengguris hati pengundi bukan Melayu.
\nPodcast Keluar Sekejap milik Khairy, yang dilancarkan selepas dipecat Umno, turut melonjakkan populariti beliau dan menjenamakan semula dirinya sebagai seorang negarawan. Malah Ong Kian Ming dari DAP turut memujinya.
\nRingkasnya, Khairy bukan sahaja popular — beliau berkemungkinan besar mampu memenangi hati pengundi bukan Melayu, kelompok yang boleh menjadi penentu sekiranya undi Melayu terpecah.
\nJenama ‘Khairy’ juga memberinya kelebihan berbanding Sanusi dalam kalangan pengundi muda, yang lebih cenderung memilih calon yang ‘berisi’ berbanding calon yang kadangkala seakan badut.
\nPengundi tua mungkin menggemari gaya politik Sanusi, namun Khairy masih mampu memberi saingan. Lagipun, beliau kini berada dalam usia 50-an. Khairy hanya perlu lebih kerap mengunjungi surau, masjid, dan kedai kopi.
\nMenyentuh soal pengundi Muslim pula, kelompok ini sama ada berjiwa progresif-wasatiyah atau konservatif. Dalam hal ini, Sanusi dan Khairy kelihatan setara, kerana pengundi akan memilih calon yang prinsip agamanya selari dengan mereka.
\nHimpunkan faktor-faktor ini dengan jentera Umno dan inisiatif ‘Rumah Bangsa’ parti itu, Sanusi mungkin akhirnya terpaksa mengemas barang-barang peribadi di pejabat menteri besar.
\nNamun, persoalan lebih besar adalah sama ada Umno pimpinan Zahid Hamidi akan membenarkan Khairy mencabar Sanusi, langkah yang sudah tentu akan melonjak kedudukan politiknya.
\nBagaimana jika beliau muncul sebagai penumbang gergasi?
\nUmno tidak boleh mengabaikan populariti Khairy (atau gagal memanfaatkannya), tetapi saf kepimpinan sedia ada mungkin bimbang Khairy akan menjadi lebih kuat, kerana ini akan mendorongnya untuk mencabar jawatan tertinggi parti.
\nSalah satu cara untuk menjinakkan Khairy adalah dengan memberinya kerusi yang mustahil untuk dimenangi — seperti yang dilakukan Umno sebelum ini dengan meletakkan beliau di Sungai Buloh pada pilihan raya lalu.
\nKhairy tewas kepada R Ramanan dari PKR dengan majoriti 2,693 undi.
\nMeskipun begitu, pertembungan Khairy-Sanusi akan menjadi situasi menang-menang bagi kepimpinan Umno.
\nJika Khairy gagal, mereka boleh berlepas tangan dan berkata mereka telah memberinya peluang tetapi beliau mensia-siakannya.
\nJika Khairy menang, kepimpinan Umno akan kelihatan seperti pencatur yang bijak dan boleh bermegah.
\nWalaupun saya percaya Khairy mampu memberi saingan kepada Sanusi, tidak dapat dinafikan bahawa menewaskan pengarah pilihan raya PAS itu suatu tugas yang amat sukar.
\nNamun, sejarah membuktikan bahawa tiada apa yang mustahil.
\nSaifuddin Nasution Ismail dari PKR, yang ketika itu calon Barisan Alternatif, menewaskan S Anthonysamy dari Barisan Nasional dengan majoriti 530 undi dalam PRK Lunas pada 2000.
\nIa merupakan kemenangan bersejarah yang mengejutkan, memandangkan BN ketika itu dipimpin Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
\nKeajaiban pernah berlaku di Malaysia, dan ia boleh berlaku sekali lagi dengan Khairy di Kedah.
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/aae15ad4-doctor-bullying-resize-freepikpic-221024.webp\")
From Dr R Thirunavukarasu
\nThe Malaysian Medical Association fully supports the health director-general Dr Mahathar Abd Wahab, and his assessment of what is wrong with Malaysia’s healthcare workforce pipeline.
\nWhat he has described is not new to those of us on the ground. But hearing it stated plainly by Mahathar carries a weight that cannot be ignored.
\n3 agencies, 3 silos
\nWhat Mahathar described is a fragmented workforce pipeline from start to finish.
\nThe higher education ministry determines how many medical students are admitted – but with no binding link to actual workforce needs.
\nThe public service department (JPA) controls recruitment, remuneration and posts – but with limits on permanent appointments mean graduates cannot be absorbed even when vacancies exist.
\nAnd the health ministry which is supposed to deliver the service, is left dealing with registration processes that can take months – leaving qualified doctors waiting while hospitals run short.
\nThese are not independent problems. They are three parts of the same broken chain. A student is trained by the higher education ministry, hired through JPA and deployed by the health ministry – three different agencies with three different priorities, none of them fully accountable for the end result.
\nAnd the end result is what we see today – facilities facing shortages despite having enough registered professionals on paper. As Mahathar said himself, numbers alone do not tell the full story.
\nWhat matters is whether the right people are in the right place at the right time. Right now, they are not.
\nA collective failure
\nPublic frustration with the health service is directed at the hospital, at the health ministry and the minister – that is understandable, but misplaced.
\nThe health ministry did not decide how many medical students the higher education ministry admits each year. The health ministry did not set the limit on permanent posts that JPA controls.
\nThe health ministry did not determine the budget allocated by the finance ministry.
\nThe health ministry is the operator. It runs the hospitals, manages the clinics and delivers care. But it has no control over the supply of the people it needs for that job, nor over the funds required to sustain it.
\nBlaming the health ministry for overcrowded wards and delayed treatment is like blaming a factory floor supervisor for a production failure when the machinery was never maintained and the workers were never hired.
\nThe supervisor did not make those decisions. Someone above him did.
\nThe understaffing, the overworked doctors, the waiting times and the delayed treatments that Malaysians experience today are the accumulated consequence of decisions and indecisions made across multiple agencies over many years.
\nIt is a collective government failure. And it must be owned collectively – by the higher education ministry, JPA, by the finance ministry and by the leadership that sits above all of them.
\nThe health ministry has been carrying this alone for far too long.
\nThe DG’s hands are tied
\nMahathar’s proposal for an independent National Health Workforce Governing Committee to finally bring these agencies into alignment remains “under consideration.” It requires “further engagement with central agencies.”
\nMMA reads “further engagement with central agencies” to mean in plain language that Mahathar has identified the problem, proposed the solution and is now waiting for the agencies above him to agree to give up some of their control over a pipeline they have collectively mismanaged for years.
\nThat is the conundrum. And it will remain a conundrum until someone with the authority over all three agencies makes a decision.
\nThe director-general in raising this publicly is doing exactly what his role demands – speaking truth about a systemic failure that is directly affecting the people this system is meant to serve.
\nHe deserves support, not silence.
\nPM must break this deadlock
\nThe higher education ministry and the JPA director-general reports to the prime minister, while every agency that holds a piece of this pipeline also answers to one person.
\nMahathar cannot instruct the higher education ministry to align student intake with workforce needs. He cannot instruct JPA to release more permanent posts. He cannot instruct the finance ministry to fund the positions that are needed.
\nBut the prime minister can. And that is exactly the level at which this decision must be made.
\nMMA calls on the prime minister to personally convene KPA and these ministries around a single mandate – to build a seamless, end-to-end healthcare workforce pipeline that produces the right professionals, absorbs them without delay and retains them where they are needed most.
\nWhat is needed is a firm decision, with clear ownership, clear timeframes and clear accountability.
\nThe director-general knows what needs to be done. He has said it publicly and professionally. Now, political will must match the clarity of the problem.
\nMalaysia does not have a workforce shortage. Malaysia has a governance failure. And governance failures are solved at the top.
\n\n
Dr R Thirunavukarasu is the president of the Malaysian Medical Association.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Dr R Thirunavukarasu\nThe Malaysian Medical Association fully supports the health director-general Dr Mahathar Abd Wahab, and his assessment of what is wrong with Malaysia's healthcare workforce pipeline.\nWhat he has described is not new to those of us on the ground. But hearing it stated plainly by Mahathar carries a weight that cannot be ignored.\n3 agencies, 3 silos\nWhat Mahathar described is a fragmented workforce pipeline from start to finish.\nThe higher education ministry determines how many medical students are admitted - but with no binding link to actual workforce needs.\nThe public service department (JPA) controls recruitment, remuneration and posts - but with limits on permanent appointments mean graduates cannot be absorbed even when vacancies exist.\nAnd the health ministry which is supposed to deliver the service, is left dealing with registration processes that can take months - leaving qualified doctors waiting while hospitals run short.\nThese are not independent problems. They are three parts of the same broken chain. A student is trained by the higher education ministry, hired through JPA and deployed by the health ministry - three different agencies with three different priorities, none of them fully accountable for the end result.\nAnd the end result is what we see today - facilities facing shortages despite having enough registered professionals on paper. As Mahathar said himself, numbers alone do not tell the full story.\nWhat matters is whether the right people are in the right place at the right time. Right now, they are not.\nA collective failure\nPublic frustration with the health service is directed at the hospital, at the health ministry and the minister - that is understandable, but misplaced.\nThe health ministry did not decide how many medical students the higher education ministry admits each year. The health ministry did not set the limit on permanent posts that JPA controls.\nThe health ministry did not determine the budget allocated by the finance ministry.\nThe health ministry is the operator. It runs the hospitals, manages the clinics and delivers care. But it has no control over the supply of the people it needs for that job, nor over the funds required to sustain it.\nBlaming the health ministry for overcrowded wards and delayed treatment is like blaming a factory floor supervisor for a production failure when the machinery was never maintained and the workers were never hired.\nThe supervisor did not make those decisions. Someone above him did.\nThe understaffing, the overworked doctors, the waiting times and the delayed treatments that Malaysians experience today are the accumulated consequence of decisions and indecisions made across multiple agencies over many years.\nIt is a collective government failure. And it must be owned collectively - by the higher education ministry, JPA, by the finance ministry and by the leadership that sits above all of them.\nThe health ministry has been carrying this alone for far too long.\nThe DG's hands are tied\nMahathar's proposal for an independent National Health Workforce Governing Committee to finally bring these agencies into alignment remains \"under consideration.\" It requires \"further engagement with central agencies.\"\nMMA reads \"further engagement with central agencies\" to mean in plain language that Mahathar has identified the problem, proposed the solution and is now waiting for the agencies above him to agree to give up some of their control over a pipeline they have collectively mismanaged for years.\nThat is the conundrum. And it will remain a conundrum until someone with the authority over all three agencies makes a decision.\nThe director-general in raising this publicly is doing exactly what his role demands - speaking truth about a systemic failure that is directly affecting the people this system is meant to serve.\nHe deserves support, not silence.\nPM must break this deadlock\nThe higher education ministry and the JPA director-general reports to the prime minister, while every agency that holds a piece of this pipeline also answers to one person.\nMahathar cannot instruct the higher education ministry to align student intake with workforce needs. He cannot instruct JPA to release more permanent posts. He cannot instruct the finance ministry to fund the positions that are needed.\nBut the prime minister can. And that is exactly the level at which this decision must be made.\nMMA calls on the prime minister to personally convene KPA and these ministries around a single mandate - to build a seamless, end-to-end healthcare workforce pipeline that produces the right professionals, absorbs them without delay and retains them where they are needed most.\nWhat is needed is a firm decision, with clear ownership, clear timeframes and clear accountability.\nThe director-general knows what needs to be done. He has said it publicly and professionally. Now, political will must match the clarity of the problem.\nMalaysia does not have a workforce shortage. Malaysia has a governance failure. And governance failures are solved at the top.\n \nDr R Thirunavukarasu is the president of the Malaysian Medical Association.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-24T14:25:34.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","budget allocation","Health Ministry","higher education","manpower","MMA","public services"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/aae15ad4-doctor-bullying-resize-freepikpic-221024.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/aae15ad4-doctor-bullying-resize-freepikpic-221024.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/tech-sovereignty-malaysias-next-moonshot","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/tech-sovereignty-malaysias-next-moonshot","title":"Tech sovereignty: Malaysia’s next moonshot","summary":"Science, technology and innovation minister Chang Lih Kang is right: tech sovereignty is no longer optional. The good news is that we have already laid more of the foundation than most Malaysians realise.","content_html":"![\"kathirgugan\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/2c538c42-k-kathirgugan-columnist-latest-170524-1.webp\")
On April 14, at University of Nottingham Malaysia’s campus in Semenyih, science, technology and innovation minister Chang Lih Kang launched National Science Week 2026 with a warning that should jolt awake every policymaker in Putrajaya.
\n“We need to build technological sovereignty so that we are not constrained by any party in such conditions,” he said, referring to global geopolitical tensions that are creating uncertainty and instability.
\n“We don’t just want to produce users of technology, we must produce creators of technology,” he added.
\nHe is right, and he is saying it at precisely the right moment.
\nThe uncomfortable truth is that for four decades, Malaysia has been a technology consumer dressed up as a technology nation.
\nWe assemble other people’s chips in Penang, host their data centres in Johor and run their cloud software in our banks. When a foreign government decides to turn off a tap, we have almost no leverage.
\nBut here is what usually gets lost. Malaysia is not starting from zero. Not even close.
\nConsider the National Semiconductor Strategy, which Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim unveiled in May 2024. It targets RM500 billion in Phase 1 investments, backed by RM25 billion in fiscal support, with the explicit goal of moving us up the value chain from assembly and test into integrated circuit design, advanced packaging and wafer fabrication.
\nIt also commits to training 60,000 high-skilled engineers, the one resource any serious chip programme cannot substitute.
\nNext, consider our sovereign digital rails.
\nDuitNow, operated by PayNet, now processes around 13 million transactions daily across nearly 3 million merchant touchpoints. That is a homegrown payments rail no foreign company can switch off.
\nThe National Artificial Intelligence Office, launched in December 2024 with an RM18.1 million allocation under Budget 2026, is drafting the National AI Action Plan 2026 to 2030.
\nThen there is MIMOS Berhad, our national applied research centre, which has run a 200mm wafer fabrication line for over two decades and designed Malaysia’s first local microprocessor, the 16-bit Pesona, in 1997. It is not TSMC. But it is a real, Malaysian-owned capability which most developing countries lack.
\nNone of this is cosmetic. These are the load-bearing pillars of a sovereign digital economy, and we are roughly seven years into a build that took India fifteen. The question now is how we build the skyscraper.
\nThe historical playbook is remarkably consistent.
\nTaiwan, in the 1970s, was a poor agricultural economy with no chip industry. Its government set up the Industrial Technology Research Institute in 1973. Then in 1987, it used its National Development Fund to take a 48% founding stake in a new company called Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, backed by technology transfer from Philips and capital from wealthy local families.
\nTSMC today produces over 90% of the world’s most advanced chips.
\nSouth Korea did something even more audacious. Park Chung-hee’s Heavy and Chemical Industry drive in the 1970s channelled enormous state credit into chemicals, electronics, metals and machinery. That policy, brutally executed, gave the world Samsung, Hyundai and SK Hynix.
\nSouth Korea now spends over 5% of gross domestic product on research and development. Malaysia spends roughly 1%.
\nIndia took yet another route. Rather than out-manufacture China or out-design the Americans, it built a sovereign digital layer. Aadhaar gave 1.3 billion Indians a verifiable identity, and Unified Payments Interface, better known as UPI, turned every smartphone into a bank account.
\nA December 2025 Boston Consulting Group report found that Aadhaar-linked digital payments cut welfare leakage by 12.7% and save the Indian government up to RM39.5 billion every year.
\nThree countries, three approaches, one shared insight. Tech sovereignty is not built by accident. It is built by government choosing a few domains, committing serious capital for decades and refusing to be distracted.
\nSo what should Malaysia’s version look like? Three priorities, with rough timelines. First, between now and 2028, finish the foundations. Hit the 2.5% of gross domestic product target on research and development spending that minister Chang has already championed.
\nComplete the National AI Action Plan 2026 to 2030 and give it real statutory teeth, not the toothless guideline treatment that has killed so many of our previous blueprints. Expand MIMOS’s wafer fab capacity and open it up as shared national infrastructure for Malaysian startups.
\nSecond, between 2028 and 2032, pick our lanes and double down. Malaysia cannot be sovereign in everything. But we can be sovereign in three or four niches where we already have credible starting positions: advanced semiconductor packaging, halal-certified biotechnology, and tropical climate technology.
\nChannel New Industrial Master Plan 2030 funding into the ten Malaysian chip firms the National Semiconductor Strategy has promised to build, each targeting RM4.7 billion in annual revenue. Back two research universities with sustained funding to compete with Tsinghua and the National University of Singapore.
\nThird, between 2032 and 2040, own our stack. A sovereign Malaysia should be able to fabricate its own mid-node chips, train its own large language models in Bahasa Malaysia and every other local language, and run its critical government and banking systems on code that is either Malaysian-written or Malaysian-auditable. Hit the 3.5% research and development target by 2030. Push for 5% by 2045.
\nNone of this is cheap. None of it is fast. And none of it is possible without the political courage to tell voters that tech sovereignty is a thirty-year project, not a five-year election slogan.
\nThe alternative is worse. As Chang put it in Semenyih: “If our own country does not develop such technologies and others own them, they may prioritise their own citizens.”
\nThat is not paranoia. It is what happened in 2021 when vaccines were delayed due to hoarding by the manufacturing countries or because of logistical issues. It is what will happen to us again, if we do not act.
\nThe foundation is laid. The minister has named the mission. All that remains is the building.
\n\n
The writer can be contacted at kathirgugan@protonmail.com.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"On April 14, at University of Nottingham Malaysia’s campus in Semenyih, science, technology and innovation minister Chang Lih Kang launched National Science Week 2026 with a warning that should jolt awake every policymaker in Putrajaya.\n“We need to build technological sovereignty so that we are not constrained by any party in such conditions,” he said, referring to global geopolitical tensions that are creating uncertainty and instability.\n“We don’t just want to produce users of technology, we must produce creators of technology,” he added.\nHe is right, and he is saying it at precisely the right moment.\nThe uncomfortable truth is that for four decades, Malaysia has been a technology consumer dressed up as a technology nation.\nWe assemble other people’s chips in Penang, host their data centres in Johor and run their cloud software in our banks. When a foreign government decides to turn off a tap, we have almost no leverage.\nBut here is what usually gets lost. Malaysia is not starting from zero. Not even close.\nConsider the National Semiconductor Strategy, which Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim unveiled in May 2024. It targets RM500 billion in Phase 1 investments, backed by RM25 billion in fiscal support, with the explicit goal of moving us up the value chain from assembly and test into integrated circuit design, advanced packaging and wafer fabrication.\nIt also commits to training 60,000 high-skilled engineers, the one resource any serious chip programme cannot substitute.\nNext, consider our sovereign digital rails.\nDuitNow, operated by PayNet, now processes around 13 million transactions daily across nearly 3 million merchant touchpoints. That is a homegrown payments rail no foreign company can switch off.\nThe National Artificial Intelligence Office, launched in December 2024 with an RM18.1 million allocation under Budget 2026, is drafting the National AI Action Plan 2026 to 2030.\nThen there is MIMOS Berhad, our national applied research centre, which has run a 200mm wafer fabrication line for over two decades and designed Malaysia’s first local microprocessor, the 16-bit Pesona, in 1997. It is not TSMC. But it is a real, Malaysian-owned capability which most developing countries lack.\nNone of this is cosmetic. These are the load-bearing pillars of a sovereign digital economy, and we are roughly seven years into a build that took India fifteen. The question now is how we build the skyscraper.\nThe historical playbook is remarkably consistent.\nTaiwan, in the 1970s, was a poor agricultural economy with no chip industry. Its government set up the Industrial Technology Research Institute in 1973. Then in 1987, it used its National Development Fund to take a 48% founding stake in a new company called Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, backed by technology transfer from Philips and capital from wealthy local families.\nTSMC today produces over 90% of the world’s most advanced chips.\nSouth Korea did something even more audacious. Park Chung-hee’s Heavy and Chemical Industry drive in the 1970s channelled enormous state credit into chemicals, electronics, metals and machinery. That policy, brutally executed, gave the world Samsung, Hyundai and SK Hynix.\nSouth Korea now spends over 5% of gross domestic product on research and development. Malaysia spends roughly 1%.\nIndia took yet another route. Rather than out-manufacture China or out-design the Americans, it built a sovereign digital layer. Aadhaar gave 1.3 billion Indians a verifiable identity, and Unified Payments Interface, better known as UPI, turned every smartphone into a bank account.\nA December 2025 Boston Consulting Group report found that Aadhaar-linked digital payments cut welfare leakage by 12.7% and save the Indian government up to RM39.5 billion every year.\nThree countries, three approaches, one shared insight. Tech sovereignty is not built by accident. It is built by government choosing a few domains, committing serious capital for decades and refusing to be distracted.\nSo what should Malaysia’s version look like? Three priorities, with rough timelines. First, between now and 2028, finish the foundations. Hit the 2.5% of gross domestic product target on research and development spending that minister Chang has already championed.\nComplete the National AI Action Plan 2026 to 2030 and give it real statutory teeth, not the toothless guideline treatment that has killed so many of our previous blueprints. Expand MIMOS’s wafer fab capacity and open it up as shared national infrastructure for Malaysian startups.\nSecond, between 2028 and 2032, pick our lanes and double down. Malaysia cannot be sovereign in everything. But we can be sovereign in three or four niches where we already have credible starting positions: advanced semiconductor packaging, halal-certified biotechnology, and tropical climate technology.\nChannel New Industrial Master Plan 2030 funding into the ten Malaysian chip firms the National Semiconductor Strategy has promised to build, each targeting RM4.7 billion in annual revenue. Back two research universities with sustained funding to compete with Tsinghua and the National University of Singapore.\nThird, between 2032 and 2040, own our stack. A sovereign Malaysia should be able to fabricate its own mid-node chips, train its own large language models in Bahasa Malaysia and every other local language, and run its critical government and banking systems on code that is either Malaysian-written or Malaysian-auditable. Hit the 3.5% research and development target by 2030. Push for 5% by 2045.\nNone of this is cheap. None of it is fast. And none of it is possible without the political courage to tell voters that tech sovereignty is a thirty-year project, not a five-year election slogan.\nThe alternative is worse. As Chang put it in Semenyih: “If our own country does not develop such technologies and others own them, they may prioritise their own citizens.\"\nThat is not paranoia. It is what happened in 2021 when vaccines were delayed due to hoarding by the manufacturing countries or because of logistical issues. It is what will happen to us again, if we do not act.\nThe foundation is laid. The minister has named the mission. All that remains is the building.\n \nThe writer can be contacted at kathirgugan@protonmail.com.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-24T01:30:50.000Z","author":{"name":"K. Kathirgugan"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Artificial Intelligence Office","industry","MIMOS","minister Chang Lih Kang","National Science Week 2026","Science","semiconductor","technological sovereignty","Technology"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/2c538c42-k-kathirgugan-columnist-latest-170524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/2c538c42-k-kathirgugan-columnist-latest-170524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/the-real-test-for-kj","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/the-real-test-for-kj","title":"The real test for KJ","summary":"Mindsets in Kedah can only change if Umno puts someone in who thinks differently.","content_html":"
I was on a flight to Johor recently when the man seated beside me struck up a conversation. He was from Kedah and works in Kuala Lumpur.
\nI joked that his menteri besar keeps the rest of us entertained.
\nBut what he said next was unexpected.
\n“There is a growing group of Malays in Kedah that don’t mind if DAP wins the state.”
\nHow come, I asked.
\nHis answer was framed through an economic lens.
\nHis parents, like generations before them, are paddy farmers.
\n\nIn Kedah, he said, fertiliser subsidies often arrive late. Innovation is slow. Yields stagnate, forcing some farmers to rent out their land to foreigners, who take over the day‑to‑day cultivation.
\n“Just like my grandparents, my parents have remained poor,” he said. The young leave for Penang, KL and Singapore, in search of a better life.
\nThen there is Khairy Jamaluddin, recently touted by some—and discounted by others— as the type of personality Umno and Barisan Nasional need to spark a political resurgence in the state.
\nThe debate surfaced after Kedah Umno Youth information chief Safwan Jaafar said the former health minister’s ideology and way of thinking could help reshape the mindset of Kedah voters.
\nAnalysts, however, disagreed, saying Khairy, a former Umno Youth chief, may not be the right fit for a state like Kedah.
\nBut is that necessarily the case?
\nKhairy speaks with clarity and connects with younger Malaysians in a way few Umno leaders can.
\nAs for mindsets, these can only change if Umno puts someone in who thinks differently and can break the stereotypes that have been ingrained into the minds of young northeners in recent years.
\nThese youths, I was told, are hungry for change.
\nKJ, as he is commonly referred to, has shown he can break stereotypes.
\nCast aside by Umno in 2023 for speaking truth to power, he did something previously unthinkable, rebuilding himself purely on the strength of his ideas and charisma–and without support from party machinery.
\nHis Keluar Sekejap podcast and commentary did not just keep him relevant; they expanded his reach among urban Malaysians.
\nBut it probably also kept him in a bubble among elite Malays.
\nRejoining Umno ahead of GE16, when the party is trying to reclaim former glories, the stakes are different.
\nThe party has managed to cling on to its stature in the more urban states of Johor, Melaka and Negeri Sembilan. But Kedah is different terrain altogether because it is shaped less by urban narratives and more by rural issues.
\nAnd this is where KJ’s real test lies.
\nIt is no secret that KJ has long harboured ambitions of being prime minister. To do so, he must show he is not just the leader of elite Malays but those across the length and breadth of the country.
\nKJ must be prepared to take Umno back into the Malay heartlands where it has lost ground almost entirely.
\nThat would require him to break out of the studio bubble and convert charisma into credibility on the ground.
\nIt means sitting down with farmers in Kedah to understand why subsidies are delayed.
\nIt means engaging younger Kedahans to reshape their aspirations, so that real jobs and opportunities come to where they are.
\nIt means inspiring a reinvention of the state’s green belt through genuine reforms in the form of new technologies to raise productivity and strengthened market linkages, and by ensuring that they translate into real income gains for farmers.
\nIt means addressing the deeper structural issue of why entire generations of Kedahans have been locked in poverty.
\nThe stakes are high, and KJ may have to go out on a limb, but the prize is grand.
\nIf he succeeds, Khairy Jamaluddin will be virtually unrivalled as party leader and may yet fulfil his dream of heading a future administration.
\nHe can then confidently say that his mandate comes from the ground.
\n\n
The writer is a senior journalist at FMT’s English Desk.
\nThis article represents the writer’s opinion and does not necessarily reflect FMT’s position.
\n","content_text":"I was on a flight to Johor recently when the man seated beside me struck up a conversation. He was from Kedah and works in Kuala Lumpur.\nI joked that his menteri besar keeps the rest of us entertained.\nBut what he said next was unexpected.\n“There is a growing group of Malays in Kedah that don’t mind if DAP wins the state.”\nHow come, I asked.\nHis answer was framed through an economic lens.\nHis parents, like generations before them, are paddy farmers.\n\nIn Kedah, he said, fertiliser subsidies often arrive late. Innovation is slow. Yields stagnate, forcing some farmers to rent out their land to foreigners, who take over the day‑to‑day cultivation.\n“Just like my grandparents, my parents have remained poor,” he said. The young leave for Penang, KL and Singapore, in search of a better life.\nThen there is Khairy Jamaluddin, recently touted by some—and discounted by others— as the type of personality Umno and Barisan Nasional need to spark a political resurgence in the state.\nThe debate surfaced after Kedah Umno Youth information chief Safwan Jaafar said the former health minister’s ideology and way of thinking could help reshape the mindset of Kedah voters.\nAnalysts, however, disagreed, saying Khairy, a former Umno Youth chief, may not be the right fit for a state like Kedah.\nBut is that necessarily the case?\nKhairy speaks with clarity and connects with younger Malaysians in a way few Umno leaders can.\nAs for mindsets, these can only change if Umno puts someone in who thinks differently and can break the stereotypes that have been ingrained into the minds of young northeners in recent years.\nThese youths, I was told, are hungry for change.\nKJ, as he is commonly referred to, has shown he can break stereotypes.\nCast aside by Umno in 2023 for speaking truth to power, he did something previously unthinkable, rebuilding himself purely on the strength of his ideas and charisma–and without support from party machinery.\nHis Keluar Sekejap podcast and commentary did not just keep him relevant; they expanded his reach among urban Malaysians.\nBut it probably also kept him in a bubble among elite Malays.\nRejoining Umno ahead of GE16, when the party is trying to reclaim former glories, the stakes are different.\nThe party has managed to cling on to its stature in the more urban states of Johor, Melaka and Negeri Sembilan. But Kedah is different terrain altogether because it is shaped less by urban narratives and more by rural issues.\nAnd this is where KJ's real test lies.\nIt is no secret that KJ has long harboured ambitions of being prime minister. To do so, he must show he is not just the leader of elite Malays but those across the length and breadth of the country.\nKJ must be prepared to take Umno back into the Malay heartlands where it has lost ground almost entirely.\nThat would require him to break out of the studio bubble and convert charisma into credibility on the ground.\nIt means sitting down with farmers in Kedah to understand why subsidies are delayed.\nIt means engaging younger Kedahans to reshape their aspirations, so that real jobs and opportunities come to where they are.\nIt means inspiring a reinvention of the state’s green belt through genuine reforms in the form of new technologies to raise productivity and strengthened market linkages, and by ensuring that they translate into real income gains for farmers.\nIt means addressing the deeper structural issue of why entire generations of Kedahans have been locked in poverty.\nThe stakes are high, and KJ may have to go out on a limb, but the prize is grand.\nIf he succeeds, Khairy Jamaluddin will be virtually unrivalled as party leader and may yet fulfil his dream of heading a future administration.\nHe can then confidently say that his mandate comes from the ground.\n \nThe writer is a senior journalist at FMT’s English Desk.\nThis article represents the writer’s opinion and does not necessarily reflect FMT’s position.","date_published":"2026-04-24T00:00:38.000Z","author":{"name":"Minderjeet Kaur"},"tags":["Highlight","Editorial","Opinion","Top Opinion","Kedah","Khairy Jamaluddin","Politics","rural economy","Umno","youth aspirations"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/leeds-could-shock-imploding-chelsea","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/leeds-could-shock-imploding-chelsea","title":"Leeds could shock imploding Chelsea","summary":"FA Cup offers Leeds chance to pile on misery at self-destructing Blues.","content_html":"![\"bobby\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/718d477b-bob-holmes-columnist-250424-1.webp\")
Leeds for the Cup? On form, morale, unity and gut feeling, they are many people’s favourites to beat Chelsea on Sunday.
\nLooking at this weekend’s FA Cup semi-finals, you can even see how the relegation battlers could end up with the trophy.
\nBuoyed by a last-ditch equaliser at Brighton that took them nine points above the drop zone, they’re firing on all cylinders while Chelsea has stalled.
\nThe world club champions have been winless and goalless for five games and are now managerless. The last time they had such a run was in 1912.
\nLiam Rosenior was their latest fall guy. Sacked on Tuesday, he could be due some £24m in compensation. Not bad for 106 days’ work.
\nThe Blues are in turmoil on and off the field, with players disillusioned and fans protesting. They are there to be taken.
\nAnd if Leeds do the job, they are likely to face Manchester City, who are heavily fancied to beat second-tier Southampton on Saturday.
\nBut in the final, City could be preoccupied by the title race, which concludes a week later. By then, Leeds will almost certainly be safe.
\nBut the story of the week is Chelsea, with the football world asking: How did it come to this?
\nRewind to 2022 and the sale of the club by Roman Abramovich, enforced by the British government because Russia invaded Ukraine.
\nEnter, along a path well-trodden by American owners, Todd Boehly’s Blueco, an investment vehicle controlled by Clearlake.
\nThe main man at Clearlake is Iranian-born American Behdad Eghbali, one of private equity’s youngest billionaires. Both are clever dudes.
\nAs you might expect, they came with a swagger and talked big. They told the inventors of the game how to run it.
\nLong contracts. Young players. Lots of them. “They’re assets,” they said, “that will increase in value.”
\n“They don’t realise how big their opportunity is,” Boehly told a private equity conference in Berlin shortly after the takeover. Let’s get a hold of our destiny and think about how to optimise this.”
\nWell, they certainly didn’t hedge their bets.
\nThey paid £4.25 billion for the club, which was considered high, and have spent another £1.5bn on players – almost 50 at the latest count.
\nThere were so many, they had to have two squads and separate training sessions. At one stage, there were eight goalkeepers.
\nThe manager, whoever he was, couldn’t keep tabs on all of them.
\nIt was a brilliant way of causing division, confusion and delaying the integration of new recruits.
\nThey also showed clubs how to keep inside EPL spending limits by exploiting long contracts and amortisation.
\nWell, until FIFA wised up and limited contracts to five years.
\nContrary to industry opinion, the Americans boasted that they’d bought Chelsea cheaply.
\nBoehly claimed: “The whole football industry is heavily undervalued. All the big English clubs will be worth tens of billions in the next decade.”
\nAnd to help poor clubs lower down the pyramid, he suggested an All-Star game to raise funds.
\nIn a jam-packed fixture list, it was another lead balloon. Any more brilliant ideas, Todd?
\nWell, yes. “Buy low, sell high” was his advice. The trouble was, Chelsea did the opposite.
\nThey broke the British record by paying £105m for a fledgling Enzo Fernandes, who had played just 29 times for Benfica.
\nAnd they spent £88m for Mykhailo Mudryk, hardly a veteran after 44 games for Shakhtar Donetsk.
\nThey were just as generous when it came to selling.
\nThey let Arsenal have Jorginho for just £12m, while Forest picked up a ‘special offer’ in Calum Hudson-Odoi for just £3m!
\nYet they don’t have a top-draw goalkeeper despite having eight on the books at once.
\nNor a solid centreback. Nor anyone with real experience.
\nMarc Cucurella, the eminence grise at 27, spoke out recently about the need for old heads.
\nIt’s no surprise that managers became frustrated.
\nIn charge, when they came in, was Thomas Tuchel, who guided the club to Champions League glory with victory over City.
\nBut they didn’t see eye-to-eye and brought in Graham Potter, the second of five permanent managers, none of whom were the right fit.
\nThe last, Rosenior, was moved from Stuttgart, also owned by Blueco, but when it came to showing his medals, he was a beginner.
\nAn assistant coach at Derby, he managed at Hull City and Strasbourg with no notable success.
\nTuchel, the current England boss, lists Borussia Dortmund, Bayern and PSG on his CV as well as Chelsea where he won the ultimate prize.
\nNo wonder the fans are bewildered and even chant for Abramovich.
\nThe owners have been just as dumb with the finances. Despite their reputed Midas touch, they racked up pre-tax losses of £262m, the biggest in EPL history.
\nRecently, budgetary problems have been controversially solved by selling hotels, car parks and the women’s team to themselves.
\nThey are also in danger of missing the deadline to acquire a nearby site for a new stadium.
\nWith match-day income several million less than clubs with 60,000 plus capacities, Chelsea finds it hard to compete with rivals.
\nBut leaving Stamford Bridge requires a 75% majority from the Chelsea Pitch Owners, who own the freehold.
\nGiven the way the club’s owners are performing, they are not going to get it. It’s not been what anyone calls “optimising”.
\nA recent survey of more than 4,000 fans by the Chelsea Supporters’ Trust found that a majority were “very unconfident” that the club was “being run in a way that will deliver sustained on-pitch success”.
\nIt really has been quite an achievement to damage a club on this scale with a cash burn beyond even Abramovich levels.
\nNow the owners say they will have “a period of self-reflection”. Sadly, fans doubt whether they can find a mirror big enough.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Leeds for the Cup? On form, morale, unity and gut feeling, they are many people’s favourites to beat Chelsea on Sunday.\nLooking at this weekend’s FA Cup semi-finals, you can even see how the relegation battlers could end up with the trophy.\nBuoyed by a last-ditch equaliser at Brighton that took them nine points above the drop zone, they’re firing on all cylinders while Chelsea has stalled.\nThe world club champions have been winless and goalless for five games and are now managerless. The last time they had such a run was in 1912.\nLiam Rosenior was their latest fall guy. Sacked on Tuesday, he could be due some £24m in compensation. Not bad for 106 days’ work.\nThe Blues are in turmoil on and off the field, with players disillusioned and fans protesting. They are there to be taken.\nAnd if Leeds do the job, they are likely to face Manchester City, who are heavily fancied to beat second-tier Southampton on Saturday.\nBut in the final, City could be preoccupied by the title race, which concludes a week later. By then, Leeds will almost certainly be safe.\nBut the story of the week is Chelsea, with the football world asking: How did it come to this?\nRewind to 2022 and the sale of the club by Roman Abramovich, enforced by the British government because Russia invaded Ukraine.\nEnter, along a path well-trodden by American owners, Todd Boehly’s Blueco, an investment vehicle controlled by Clearlake.\nThe main man at Clearlake is Iranian-born American Behdad Eghbali, one of private equity’s youngest billionaires. Both are clever dudes.\nAs you might expect, they came with a swagger and talked big. They told the inventors of the game how to run it.\nLong contracts. Young players. Lots of them. “They’re assets,” they said, “that will increase in value.”\n\"They don't realise how big their opportunity is,\" Boehly told a private equity conference in Berlin shortly after the takeover. Let's get a hold of our destiny and think about how to optimise this.\"\nWell, they certainly didn’t hedge their bets.\nThey paid £4.25 billion for the club, which was considered high, and have spent another £1.5bn on players – almost 50 at the latest count.\nThere were so many, they had to have two squads and separate training sessions. At one stage, there were eight goalkeepers.\nThe manager, whoever he was, couldn’t keep tabs on all of them.\nIt was a brilliant way of causing division, confusion and delaying the integration of new recruits.\nThey also showed clubs how to keep inside EPL spending limits by exploiting long contracts and amortisation.\nWell, until FIFA wised up and limited contracts to five years.\nContrary to industry opinion, the Americans boasted that they’d bought Chelsea cheaply.\nBoehly claimed: “The whole football industry is heavily undervalued. All the big English clubs will be worth tens of billions in the next decade.”\nAnd to help poor clubs lower down the pyramid, he suggested an All-Star game to raise funds.\nIn a jam-packed fixture list, it was another lead balloon. Any more brilliant ideas, Todd?\nWell, yes. “Buy low, sell high” was his advice. The trouble was, Chelsea did the opposite.\nThey broke the British record by paying £105m for a fledgling Enzo Fernandes, who had played just 29 times for Benfica.\nAnd they spent £88m for Mykhailo Mudryk, hardly a veteran after 44 games for Shakhtar Donetsk.\nThey were just as generous when it came to selling.\nThey let Arsenal have Jorginho for just £12m, while Forest picked up a ‘special offer’ in Calum Hudson-Odoi for just £3m!\nYet they don’t have a top-draw goalkeeper despite having eight on the books at once.\nNor a solid centreback. Nor anyone with real experience.\nMarc Cucurella, the eminence grise at 27, spoke out recently about the need for old heads.\nIt’s no surprise that managers became frustrated.\nIn charge, when they came in, was Thomas Tuchel, who guided the club to Champions League glory with victory over City.\nBut they didn’t see eye-to-eye and brought in Graham Potter, the second of five permanent managers, none of whom were the right fit.\nThe last, Rosenior, was moved from Stuttgart, also owned by Blueco, but when it came to showing his medals, he was a beginner.\nAn assistant coach at Derby, he managed at Hull City and Strasbourg with no notable success.\nTuchel, the current England boss, lists Borussia Dortmund, Bayern and PSG on his CV as well as Chelsea where he won the ultimate prize.\nNo wonder the fans are bewildered and even chant for Abramovich.\nThe owners have been just as dumb with the finances. Despite their reputed Midas touch, they racked up pre-tax losses of £262m, the biggest in EPL history.\nRecently, budgetary problems have been controversially solved by selling hotels, car parks and the women’s team to themselves.\nThey are also in danger of missing the deadline to acquire a nearby site for a new stadium.\nWith match-day income several million less than clubs with 60,000 plus capacities, Chelsea finds it hard to compete with rivals.\nBut leaving Stamford Bridge requires a 75% majority from the Chelsea Pitch Owners, who own the freehold.\nGiven the way the club’s owners are performing, they are not going to get it. It’s not been what anyone calls “optimising”.\nA recent survey of more than 4,000 fans by the Chelsea Supporters’ Trust found that a majority were “very unconfident” that the club was “being run in a way that will deliver sustained on-pitch success”.\nIt really has been quite an achievement to damage a club on this scale with a cash burn beyond even Abramovich levels.\nNow the owners say they will have “a period of self-reflection”. Sadly, fans doubt whether they can find a mirror big enough.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-23T23:15:13.000Z","author":{"name":"Bob Holmes"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Sports","Football","Top Sports","Chelsea","FA Cup","Leeds United","Manchester City","Southampton","Todd Boehly"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/718d477b-bob-holmes-columnist-250424-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/718d477b-bob-holmes-columnist-250424-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/how-a-war-on-land-comes-to-be-fought-at-sea","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/24/how-a-war-on-land-comes-to-be-fought-at-sea","title":"How a war on land comes to be fought at sea","summary":"To fathom how a crisis on Iranian soil has unfolded in the Strait of Hormuz and extended across the Gulf, one must first understand the Islamic republic’s hardline strategy.","content_html":"![\"phar](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/191095dc-phar-kim-beng-columnist-eng-latest-040326-1.webp\")
The world’s fixation on the Strait of Hormuz obscures a more fundamental reality: Iran’s hardline strategy is not maritime in origin.
\nIt is territorial, psychological, and deeply embedded in a doctrine of survival shaped on land. The tension at sea is merely its outward expression.
\nTo understand this, one must again turn to the scholarship of Vali Nasr, who makes clear that Iran’s strategic behaviour is rooted in the trauma of isolation and war.
\nVali Nasr is a professor of strategic studies of Iran at the John’s Hopkins University in Washington DC and was once special aide to the late US diplomat Richard Holbrooke when the latter was assigned to handling Afghanistan.
\nBut beyond ideology, Iran’s hardline posture has evolved into a highly structured military doctrine — one that explicitly targets American power where it is most vulnerable: its forward-deployed bases and strategic assets across West Asia.
\nThis is the essence of Iran’s “forward defence”.
\nRather than confront the United States directly on Iranian soil, Tehran projects deterrence outward.
\nIt does so by developing the capability — and the willingness — to strike US bases, logistics hubs, and allied infrastructure across the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, as well as in Iraq.
\nOver the decades, economic sanctions of the US against Iran have ballooned from 350 to 1,700 measures.
\nIn any Iranian response to the US, Tehran tends to be maximalist since the Gulf is laden with them. This is not incidental. It is deliberate. American military architecture in the region is extensive.
\nBases in countries such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates form the backbone of US power projection in West Asia.
\nLikewise, US installations in Iraq — though reduced from their peak — remain strategically significant.
\nTo Iran, these are not merely defensive outposts. They are launchpads for regime change.
\nThus, in the Iranian strategic calculus, they become legitimate targets.
\nIran’s hardliners have therefore developed a layered deterrence strategy.
\nAt its core lies the ability to retaliate asymmetrically through missile strikes, drone attacks, and proxy operations.
\nThe Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), alongside a network of aligned militias, provides Tehran with both deniability and reach.
\nThis explains why periods of heightened tension often see calibrated attacks on US-linked assets in Iraq, or indirect pressure on Gulf states hosting American forces. These actions are not random escalations.
\nThey are signals — carefully measured demonstrations of capability intended to impose costs without triggering full-scale war.
\nAs one Iranian analyst in Tehran affirmed: “When Iran is attacked, the response of IRGC is not an eye for an eye. Rather for the neck and the legs too.”
\nThe logic is straightforward: if the US can threaten Iran from bases encircling it, Iran must be able to threaten those very bases in return.
\nIn this sense, Iran’s strategy is both offensive and defensive — offensive in its willingness to strike beyond its borders; defensive in its underlying objective of deterring what it perceives as existential threats.
\nNasr’s analysis helps illuminate why this posture has hardened over time.
\nEach episode of confrontation — whether the Iran-Iraq War, the US invasion of Iraq, or the collapse of the nuclear deal — has reinforced the belief within Iran’s leadership that vulnerability invites aggression.
\nThe lesson drawn is not to compromise, but to fortify. Including the determination to have a nuclear energy programme of its own.
\nObliterated or otherwise, Iran is justifiably tenacious to want the nuclear potential, not necessarily weapons, to place itself ready to thwart any foreign military adventurism.
\nEvidently, attacks on US bases or strategic assets are not aberrations. They are embedded within Iran’s doctrine.
\nEqually important is the role of proxies. By cultivating non-state actors across Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, Iran has created a buffer zone that allows it to engage in conflict without direct attribution.
\nThese groups serve as extensions of Iran’s strategic depth, capable of targeting US interests while complicating Washington’s response calculus.
\nIn Iraq in particular, this dynamic is pronounced. The presence of US forces — originally justified by counterterrorism objectives — has increasingly been viewed by Iranian-aligned factions as occupation.
\nAs a result, US bases in Iraq have become frequent flashpoints, with attacks designed to signal both resistance and deterrence.
\nAcross the Gulf, the situation is more complex. GCC states are simultaneously partners of the United States and neighbours of Iran.
\nTheir hosting of US military assets places them in a precarious position — both shielded by American power and exposed to Iranian retaliation.
\nThis creates a paradox: the very infrastructure meant to ensure regional stability becomes a source of instability.
\nIt is in this context that the Strait of Hormuz must be reinterpreted. The waterway is not the starting point of conflict, but its extension.
\nWhen Iran signals through naval manoeuvres or selective disruptions, it is often reinforcing messages already conveyed through its land-based posture: that it possesses the means to escalate across multiple domains.
\nThe sea, in other words, is theatre. The land is strategy.
\nFor Washington, this presents a persistent dilemma. Conventional military superiority offers limited leverage against a dispersed, asymmetric threat network. Striking Iran directly risks regional escalation, ignoring provocations risks eroding deterrence.
\nThis is why Iran’s hardliners remain such a formidable challenge. They operate within a framework that is resilient, adaptive, and deeply informed by historical grievance.
\nTo confront this strategy effectively, Washington must move beyond surface-level responses.
\nIt must recognise that Iran’s targeting of US bases and strategic assets is not simply aggression — it is part of a broader doctrine designed to offset perceived encirclement.
\nWithout addressing that underlying perception, any effort to stabilise the region — whether at sea or on land — will remain incomplete.
\nThe Strait of Hormuz may capture global attention. But the real contest, as Vali Nasr reminds us, is anchored elsewhere: in the enduring logic of survival that drives Iran’s hardliners to push back, wherever American power is most exposed.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"The world’s fixation on the Strait of Hormuz obscures a more fundamental reality: Iran’s hardline strategy is not maritime in origin.\nIt is territorial, psychological, and deeply embedded in a doctrine of survival shaped on land. The tension at sea is merely its outward expression.\nTo understand this, one must again turn to the scholarship of Vali Nasr, who makes clear that Iran’s strategic behaviour is rooted in the trauma of isolation and war.\nVali Nasr is a professor of strategic studies of Iran at the John’s Hopkins University in Washington DC and was once special aide to the late US diplomat Richard Holbrooke when the latter was assigned to handling Afghanistan.\nBut beyond ideology, Iran’s hardline posture has evolved into a highly structured military doctrine — one that explicitly targets American power where it is most vulnerable: its forward-deployed bases and strategic assets across West Asia.\nThis is the essence of Iran’s “forward defence”.\nRather than confront the United States directly on Iranian soil, Tehran projects deterrence outward.\nIt does so by developing the capability — and the willingness — to strike US bases, logistics hubs, and allied infrastructure across the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, as well as in Iraq.\nOver the decades, economic sanctions of the US against Iran have ballooned from 350 to 1,700 measures.\nIn any Iranian response to the US, Tehran tends to be maximalist since the Gulf is laden with them. This is not incidental. It is deliberate. American military architecture in the region is extensive.\nBases in countries such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates form the backbone of US power projection in West Asia.\nLikewise, US installations in Iraq — though reduced from their peak — remain strategically significant.\nTo Iran, these are not merely defensive outposts. They are launchpads for regime change.\nThus, in the Iranian strategic calculus, they become legitimate targets.\nIran’s hardliners have therefore developed a layered deterrence strategy.\nAt its core lies the ability to retaliate asymmetrically through missile strikes, drone attacks, and proxy operations.\nThe Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), alongside a network of aligned militias, provides Tehran with both deniability and reach.\nThis explains why periods of heightened tension often see calibrated attacks on US-linked assets in Iraq, or indirect pressure on Gulf states hosting American forces. These actions are not random escalations.\nThey are signals — carefully measured demonstrations of capability intended to impose costs without triggering full-scale war.\nAs one Iranian analyst in Tehran affirmed: “When Iran is attacked, the response of IRGC is not an eye for an eye. Rather for the neck and the legs too.”\nThe logic is straightforward: if the US can threaten Iran from bases encircling it, Iran must be able to threaten those very bases in return.\nIn this sense, Iran’s strategy is both offensive and defensive — offensive in its willingness to strike beyond its borders; defensive in its underlying objective of deterring what it perceives as existential threats.\nNasr’s analysis helps illuminate why this posture has hardened over time.\nEach episode of confrontation — whether the Iran-Iraq War, the US invasion of Iraq, or the collapse of the nuclear deal — has reinforced the belief within Iran’s leadership that vulnerability invites aggression.\nThe lesson drawn is not to compromise, but to fortify. Including the determination to have a nuclear energy programme of its own.\nObliterated or otherwise, Iran is justifiably tenacious to want the nuclear potential, not necessarily weapons, to place itself ready to thwart any foreign military adventurism.\nEvidently, attacks on US bases or strategic assets are not aberrations. They are embedded within Iran’s doctrine.\nEqually important is the role of proxies. By cultivating non-state actors across Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, Iran has created a buffer zone that allows it to engage in conflict without direct attribution.\nThese groups serve as extensions of Iran’s strategic depth, capable of targeting US interests while complicating Washington’s response calculus.\nIn Iraq in particular, this dynamic is pronounced. The presence of US forces — originally justified by counterterrorism objectives — has increasingly been viewed by Iranian-aligned factions as occupation.\nAs a result, US bases in Iraq have become frequent flashpoints, with attacks designed to signal both resistance and deterrence.\nAcross the Gulf, the situation is more complex. GCC states are simultaneously partners of the United States and neighbours of Iran.\nTheir hosting of US military assets places them in a precarious position — both shielded by American power and exposed to Iranian retaliation.\nThis creates a paradox: the very infrastructure meant to ensure regional stability becomes a source of instability.\nIt is in this context that the Strait of Hormuz must be reinterpreted. The waterway is not the starting point of conflict, but its extension.\nWhen Iran signals through naval manoeuvres or selective disruptions, it is often reinforcing messages already conveyed through its land-based posture: that it possesses the means to escalate across multiple domains.\nThe sea, in other words, is theatre. The land is strategy.\nFor Washington, this presents a persistent dilemma. Conventional military superiority offers limited leverage against a dispersed, asymmetric threat network. Striking Iran directly risks regional escalation, ignoring provocations risks eroding deterrence.\nThis is why Iran’s hardliners remain such a formidable challenge. They operate within a framework that is resilient, adaptive, and deeply informed by historical grievance.\nTo confront this strategy effectively, Washington must move beyond surface-level responses.\nIt must recognise that Iran’s targeting of US bases and strategic assets is not simply aggression — it is part of a broader doctrine designed to offset perceived encirclement.\nWithout addressing that underlying perception, any effort to stabilise the region — whether at sea or on land — will remain incomplete.\nThe Strait of Hormuz may capture global attention. But the real contest, as Vali Nasr reminds us, is anchored elsewhere: in the enduring logic of survival that drives Iran’s hardliners to push back, wherever American power is most exposed.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-23T23:00:54.000Z","author":{"name":"Phar Kim Beng"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","forward defence","Iran","IRGC","military doctrine","Strait of Hormuz","Vali Nasr"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/191095dc-phar-kim-beng-columnist-eng-latest-040326-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/191095dc-phar-kim-beng-columnist-eng-latest-040326-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/from-systemic-abuse-to-transparency-why-we-need-fwcms","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/from-systemic-abuse-to-transparency-why-we-need-fwcms","title":"From systemic abuse to transparency: why we need FWCMS","summary":"FWCMS eliminated billions in annual leakage that previously flowed through informal intermediaries.","content_html":"![\"pekerja](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/b6294c1f-pekerja-asing-bernama-pic-14824.webp\")
From Bryan Lui and Harnesh Bhullar
\nWe act for Bestinet Sdn Bhd. We write pursuant to our client’s instructions to clarify the factual position and to place on record the following:
\nAs the architects, investors, engineers, and operators of one of the world’s most advanced foreign worker management infrastructures, Bestinet stands firmly behind its system and the facts that underpin it.
\nThe reality before FWCMS
\nBefore the Foreign Workers Centralised Management System (FWCMS), Malaysia’s foreign worker management ecosystem was manual, fragmented, and vulnerable to abuse, with no digital records, no audit trail, and no accountability.
\nMinistries operated in silos without integration. Employers had to queue up as early as 3am at government counters, creating repeated opportunities for illicit and unrecorded payments.
\nIn the vast majority of cases, medical reports and insurance documents were falsified. In many instances, workers sent imposters to attend medical screenings.
\nQuota applications were manually manipulated through collusion between employers, brokers, and intermediaries, generating artificial demand to extract money from vulnerable workers, many of whom arrived in debt bondage.
\nBased on industry assessments and historical observations, financial leakages ran into billions of ringgit.
\nHow Bestinet transformed the ecosystem
\nBestinet, founded in 2008 and building on proposals dating back to 2001, undertook a privately funded national initiative to develop a world-class digital solution at zero cost to the government or taxpayer.
\nFWCMS is a 15-module, cross-border governance platform – the first of its kind globally – integrating 15 labour-sending countries, over 232 accredited medical centres, and all relevant Malaysian government agencies into a unified digital ecosystem.
\nThe system was developed following more than 500 formal engagements with Malaysian government agencies. It was recommended by the International Labour Organization and Special Branch Malaysia, and designed in accordance with ILO principles and policies, as well as those of the International Organization for Migration (IOM).
\nThe system received formal government approval in 2018 and a concession agreement in 2024 following a comprehensive inter-ministerial evaluation, including by the Public Private Partnership Unit (Ukas).
\nAssertions that the fee structure represents an increase are factually incorrect. Following negotiations with Ukas, the revised fee absorbed previously separate services, such as the Temporary Employment Visit Pass (PLKS), Immigration Security Clearance (ISC), and medical screening – overall representing a significant reduction.
\nBestinet also provided its services without collecting fees from 2012 to 2018.
\nTurap: the next frontier in worker protection
\nVillage-level recruitment in source countries remains largely ungoverned. To Bestinet’s knowledge, no government or employer body anywhere in the world currently possesses effective mechanisms to oversee, verify, or regulate this layer, where the most acute exploitation of migrant workers occurs.
\nTurap – the Universal Recruitment Advanced Platform – is the first platform of its kind globally, developed based on nearly 40 years of cumulative industry experience.
\nIt is designed to complement, not replace, FWCMS, the Malaysian Immigration System (MyIMMS), the National Integrated Immigration System (NIISe), and other government systems, operating at a distinct upstream layer to eliminate recruitment exploitation at its source.
\nGovernment decisions followed due process
\nEvery government decision on FWCMS – from the 2012 proof of concept, through mandatory adoption in 2015, to the 2024 formal contract – resulted from rigorous, multi-layered institutional processes, including inter-ministerial consultations, security assessments, international advisory input, and over a decade of evidence-based performance review.
\nAny characterisation of these decisions as irregular, improper, or influenced by extraneous factors undermines the institutional integrity of Malaysia’s executive decision-making.
\nBestinet has contractually committed to transferring full ownership of FWCMS to the government upon completion of the contract.
\nWho is behind negative narratives and why
\nThe current criticism does not reflect good-faith policy discourse. FWCMS eliminated billions in annual leakage previously flowing through informal intermediaries. Turap threatens to eliminate what remains of that network.
\nCertain public figures have used these national infrastructure systems as instruments of political positioning, making false allegations based on selective and decontextualised data.
\nTheir opposition is not principled governance advocacy. It is a defence of a financial ecosystem that has profited for decades from the exploitation of vulnerable migrant workers.
\nBestinet will take all necessary legal action against false, misleading, or defamatory statements.
\nGlobal recognition
\nFWCMS, among other local and international awards, received the United Nations World Summit Award (WSA) in 2017 in Vienna, Austria, competing against entries from over 180 countries.
\nIt is widely regarded as one of the world’s most prestigious recognitions for digital innovation aligned with the UN Sustainable Development Goals.
\nMore than a decade after its implementation, no comparable system exists anywhere in the world.
\nWe built it. Malaysia needs it.
\nBestinet has invested more than two decades and substantial private capital, without government funding, in transforming Malaysia’s foreign worker management ecosystem.
\nThe facts are clear. The evidence is irrefutable. The global recognition is documented. Bestinet will not be deterred by parties whose interests depend on a return to fraud, trafficking, and exploitation.
\n\n
Bryan Lui and Harnesh Bhullar are advocates and solicitors.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writers and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Bryan Lui and Harnesh Bhullar\nWe act for Bestinet Sdn Bhd. We write pursuant to our client’s instructions to clarify the factual position and to place on record the following:\nAs the architects, investors, engineers, and operators of one of the world’s most advanced foreign worker management infrastructures, Bestinet stands firmly behind its system and the facts that underpin it.\nThe reality before FWCMS\nBefore the Foreign Workers Centralised Management System (FWCMS), Malaysia’s foreign worker management ecosystem was manual, fragmented, and vulnerable to abuse, with no digital records, no audit trail, and no accountability.\nMinistries operated in silos without integration. Employers had to queue up as early as 3am at government counters, creating repeated opportunities for illicit and unrecorded payments.\nIn the vast majority of cases, medical reports and insurance documents were falsified. In many instances, workers sent imposters to attend medical screenings.\nQuota applications were manually manipulated through collusion between employers, brokers, and intermediaries, generating artificial demand to extract money from vulnerable workers, many of whom arrived in debt bondage.\nBased on industry assessments and historical observations, financial leakages ran into billions of ringgit.\nHow Bestinet transformed the ecosystem\nBestinet, founded in 2008 and building on proposals dating back to 2001, undertook a privately funded national initiative to develop a world-class digital solution at zero cost to the government or taxpayer.\nFWCMS is a 15-module, cross-border governance platform - the first of its kind globally - integrating 15 labour-sending countries, over 232 accredited medical centres, and all relevant Malaysian government agencies into a unified digital ecosystem.\nThe system was developed following more than 500 formal engagements with Malaysian government agencies. It was recommended by the International Labour Organization and Special Branch Malaysia, and designed in accordance with ILO principles and policies, as well as those of the International Organization for Migration (IOM).\nThe system received formal government approval in 2018 and a concession agreement in 2024 following a comprehensive inter-ministerial evaluation, including by the Public Private Partnership Unit (Ukas).\nAssertions that the fee structure represents an increase are factually incorrect. Following negotiations with Ukas, the revised fee absorbed previously separate services, such as the Temporary Employment Visit Pass (PLKS), Immigration Security Clearance (ISC), and medical screening - overall representing a significant reduction.\nBestinet also provided its services without collecting fees from 2012 to 2018.\nTurap: the next frontier in worker protection\nVillage-level recruitment in source countries remains largely ungoverned. To Bestinet’s knowledge, no government or employer body anywhere in the world currently possesses effective mechanisms to oversee, verify, or regulate this layer, where the most acute exploitation of migrant workers occurs.\nTurap - the Universal Recruitment Advanced Platform - is the first platform of its kind globally, developed based on nearly 40 years of cumulative industry experience.\nIt is designed to complement, not replace, FWCMS, the Malaysian Immigration System (MyIMMS), the National Integrated Immigration System (NIISe), and other government systems, operating at a distinct upstream layer to eliminate recruitment exploitation at its source.\nGovernment decisions followed due process\nEvery government decision on FWCMS - from the 2012 proof of concept, through mandatory adoption in 2015, to the 2024 formal contract - resulted from rigorous, multi-layered institutional processes, including inter-ministerial consultations, security assessments, international advisory input, and over a decade of evidence-based performance review.\nAny characterisation of these decisions as irregular, improper, or influenced by extraneous factors undermines the institutional integrity of Malaysia’s executive decision-making.\nBestinet has contractually committed to transferring full ownership of FWCMS to the government upon completion of the contract.\nWho is behind negative narratives and why\nThe current criticism does not reflect good-faith policy discourse. FWCMS eliminated billions in annual leakage previously flowing through informal intermediaries. Turap threatens to eliminate what remains of that network.\nCertain public figures have used these national infrastructure systems as instruments of political positioning, making false allegations based on selective and decontextualised data.\nTheir opposition is not principled governance advocacy. It is a defence of a financial ecosystem that has profited for decades from the exploitation of vulnerable migrant workers.\nBestinet will take all necessary legal action against false, misleading, or defamatory statements.\nGlobal recognition\nFWCMS, among other local and international awards, received the United Nations World Summit Award (WSA) in 2017 in Vienna, Austria, competing against entries from over 180 countries.\nIt is widely regarded as one of the world’s most prestigious recognitions for digital innovation aligned with the UN Sustainable Development Goals.\nMore than a decade after its implementation, no comparable system exists anywhere in the world.\nWe built it. Malaysia needs it.\nBestinet has invested more than two decades and substantial private capital, without government funding, in transforming Malaysia’s foreign worker management ecosystem.\nThe facts are clear. The evidence is irrefutable. The global recognition is documented. Bestinet will not be deterred by parties whose interests depend on a return to fraud, trafficking, and exploitation.\n \nBryan Lui and Harnesh Bhullar are advocates and solicitors.\nThe views expressed are those of the writers and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-23T13:30:45.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","abuse","advance platform","Bestinet","Centralised Management System","foreign workers","FWCMS","Rafizi Ramli","Turap","universal recruitment"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/b6294c1f-pekerja-asing-bernama-pic-14824.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/b6294c1f-pekerja-asing-bernama-pic-14824.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/why-negeri-sembilan-is-not-in-a-constitutional-crisis","title":"Why Negeri Sembilan is not in a constitutional crisis","summary":"It is axiomatic that Malay Rulers must fulfil their roles without undue interference, which could undermine constitutional duties, peace, and stability.","content_html":"![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/6faf06cf-istana-seri-menanti-wikimedia-commons-pic-230426.webp\")
From Malik Imtiaz Sarwar
\nThe events in Negeri Sembilan relating to Yang di-Pertuan Besar Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir are a cause for concern given their constitutional implications and the suggestion that the state is embroiled in a constitutional crisis.
\nThe Malay Rulers play a significant role in the constitutional scheme of this country. At the federal level, each of them is a member of the Conference of Rulers, a constitutional body tasked with responsibilities of great import.
\nIt is also from among the Malay Rulers that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong are elected.
\nWithin their respective states, the Malay Rulers are vested with executive authority, being exclusively empowered to appoint chief ministers, and are the heads of the religion of Islam.
\n\nThe Federal Court acknowledged in Dhinesh Tanaphll v Lembaga Pencegahan Jenayah & Ors (2022) that the Malay Rulers’ functions are a basic feature of the Federal Constitution and, together with other such features, are “central and fundamental to the peace and stability of the nation”.
\nIt is axiomatic that the Malay Rulers must be allowed to fulfil their role without undue obstruction. Unwarranted interference would not only serve to impede their fulfilling their constitutional roles, it could also undermine peace and stability.
\nChapter VII of the Penal Code criminalises a range of conduct with the aim of guarding against such interference, including the offence of wrongful deprivation or deposition of a ruler, his heirs, or successors.
\nThis is not to say that there is no avenue for the suspension or removal of a Malay Ruler, when warranted. This turns on how the respective state constitutions prescribe the body authorised to do so, the basis for removal, and the procedure by which this is to be done.
\nThe Negeri Sembilan constitution provides for these matters in Article X, which establishes a framework with four significant features to preclude any unwarranted interference, requiring “a full and complete enquiry by the Undangs” as to whether the Yang di-Pertuan Besar:
\n“… has developed any great and serious defect derogatory to the qualities of a Yang di-Pertuan Besar such as insanity, blindness, dumbness or has become possessed of any base quality on account of which he would not be permitted by the Hukum Syarak to be Yang di-Pertuan Besar or that His Highness has done any overt act detrimental to the sanctity, honour and dignity of a Yang di-Pertuan Besar or has deliberately disregarded the provisions of this constitution…”
\nFirst, it envisages that a Yang di-Pertuan Besar can only be suspended or removed where said ruler can objectively be said to have acted in a manner that can reasonably be understood as amounting to a “great and serious defect” within the meaning of the provision.
\nSecond, such removal is conditional upon the Undangs having made “a full and complete enquiry” into the impugned conduct of the ruler.
\nGiven the seriousness of the matter, such an enquiry must be conducted with a level of formality that is commensurate with the grave nature of suspending or removing an incumbent Yang di-Pertuan Besar.
\nThe ruler must also be afforded a right to be heard on the allegation levelled against him, which requires that he be notified of what the Undangs consider his alleged defect to be and its factual basis. This will then allow the ruler to address the matter comprehensively.
\nThird, it is only upon the Undangs objectively arriving at a determination that the allegation is made out that the Undangs are empowered to call upon the Yang di-Pertuan Besar to either withdraw from performing his duties for a specified period or abdicate and relinquish his prerogatives, rights, powers, and privileges.
\nThis must then be followed by a proclamation which is to be signed by the Undangs and the menteri besar.
\nFourth, the power and authority of the Undangs are subject to the constraints imposed by the Negeri Sembilan constitution. Apart from those under Article X, Undangs can be removed from office in accordance with applicable customs, a matter which falls under the authority of the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang (DKU).
\nIt is not fair to say that the framework ensures the suspension or removal of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar would be handled in a way that safeguards the dignity of the institution and the Undangs. But it certainly should not be used to stir scandal or conflict.
\nSadly, however, this appears to have been the case in Negeri Sembilan.
\nIt appears that, on April 17, the DKU determined that Mubarak Dohak be removed as the Undang of Sungai Ujong for having allegedly violated a number of customs and traditions.
\nNotwithstanding, on April 19, Mubarak purported to hold a press conference at which he declared that he and the other Undangs had determined that Tuanku Muhriz be deposed and that Tunku Nadzaruddin Tuanku Ja’afar had been appointed in his stead.
\nSignificantly, Mubarak did not produce a proclamation signed by the Undangs and the menteri besar.
\nAdditionally, it does not appear that Tuanku Muhriz was given notice of the alleged defect or defects relied on by the Undangs, nor was he afforded any opportunity to be heard. This raises a serious question as to how it is that Undangs can be said to have conducted the “full and complete enquiry” that Article X imposes as a pre-condition to their exercise of the power to remove the ruler.
\nThis declaration was, however, rejected by the menteri besar, who confirmed that Mubarak had been removed as Undang and questioned his authority.
\nThe Undangs then appear to have taken to social media to claim that no such determination was made at the DKU meeting on April 17.
\nThe immediate question is whether there is any basis for the contention that Mubarak’s removal was determined by the April 17 meeting. If this is the case, then the matter ends there.
\nAlthough the menteri besar has confirmed the removal, further confirmation from the DKU may have a calming effect.
\nUnderstood in this light, there is in reality no constitutional crisis in Negeri Sembilan.
\n\n
Malik Imtiaz Sarwar is a senior constitutional and human rights lawyer.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Malik Imtiaz Sarwar\nThe events in Negeri Sembilan relating to Yang di-Pertuan Besar Tuanku Muhriz Tuanku Munawir are a cause for concern given their constitutional implications and the suggestion that the state is embroiled in a constitutional crisis.\nThe Malay Rulers play a significant role in the constitutional scheme of this country. At the federal level, each of them is a member of the Conference of Rulers, a constitutional body tasked with responsibilities of great import.\nIt is also from among the Malay Rulers that the Yang di-Pertuan Agong and Timbalan Yang di-Pertuan Agong are elected.\nWithin their respective states, the Malay Rulers are vested with executive authority, being exclusively empowered to appoint chief ministers, and are the heads of the religion of Islam.\n\nThe Federal Court acknowledged in Dhinesh Tanaphll v Lembaga Pencegahan Jenayah & Ors (2022) that the Malay Rulers’ functions are a basic feature of the Federal Constitution and, together with other such features, are \"central and fundamental to the peace and stability of the nation\".\nIt is axiomatic that the Malay Rulers must be allowed to fulfil their role without undue obstruction. Unwarranted interference would not only serve to impede their fulfilling their constitutional roles, it could also undermine peace and stability.\nChapter VII of the Penal Code criminalises a range of conduct with the aim of guarding against such interference, including the offence of wrongful deprivation or deposition of a ruler, his heirs, or successors.\nThis is not to say that there is no avenue for the suspension or removal of a Malay Ruler, when warranted. This turns on how the respective state constitutions prescribe the body authorised to do so, the basis for removal, and the procedure by which this is to be done.\nThe Negeri Sembilan constitution provides for these matters in Article X, which establishes a framework with four significant features to preclude any unwarranted interference, requiring \"a full and complete enquiry by the Undangs\" as to whether the Yang di-Pertuan Besar:\n\"… has developed any great and serious defect derogatory to the qualities of a Yang di-Pertuan Besar such as insanity, blindness, dumbness or has become possessed of any base quality on account of which he would not be permitted by the Hukum Syarak to be Yang di-Pertuan Besar or that His Highness has done any overt act detrimental to the sanctity, honour and dignity of a Yang di-Pertuan Besar or has deliberately disregarded the provisions of this constitution…\"\nFirst, it envisages that a Yang di-Pertuan Besar can only be suspended or removed where said ruler can objectively be said to have acted in a manner that can reasonably be understood as amounting to a \"great and serious defect\" within the meaning of the provision.\nSecond, such removal is conditional upon the Undangs having made \"a full and complete enquiry\" into the impugned conduct of the ruler.\nGiven the seriousness of the matter, such an enquiry must be conducted with a level of formality that is commensurate with the grave nature of suspending or removing an incumbent Yang di-Pertuan Besar.\nThe ruler must also be afforded a right to be heard on the allegation levelled against him, which requires that he be notified of what the Undangs consider his alleged defect to be and its factual basis. This will then allow the ruler to address the matter comprehensively.\nThird, it is only upon the Undangs objectively arriving at a determination that the allegation is made out that the Undangs are empowered to call upon the Yang di-Pertuan Besar to either withdraw from performing his duties for a specified period or abdicate and relinquish his prerogatives, rights, powers, and privileges.\nThis must then be followed by a proclamation which is to be signed by the Undangs and the menteri besar.\nFourth, the power and authority of the Undangs are subject to the constraints imposed by the Negeri Sembilan constitution. Apart from those under Article X, Undangs can be removed from office in accordance with applicable customs, a matter which falls under the authority of the Dewan Keadilan dan Undang (DKU).\nIt is not fair to say that the framework ensures the suspension or removal of the Yang di-Pertuan Besar would be handled in a way that safeguards the dignity of the institution and the Undangs. But it certainly should not be used to stir scandal or conflict.\nSadly, however, this appears to have been the case in Negeri Sembilan.\nIt appears that, on April 17, the DKU determined that Mubarak Dohak be removed as the Undang of Sungai Ujong for having allegedly violated a number of customs and traditions.\nNotwithstanding, on April 19, Mubarak purported to hold a press conference at which he declared that he and the other Undangs had determined that Tuanku Muhriz be deposed and that Tunku Nadzaruddin Tuanku Ja’afar had been appointed in his stead.\nSignificantly, Mubarak did not produce a proclamation signed by the Undangs and the menteri besar.\nAdditionally, it does not appear that Tuanku Muhriz was given notice of the alleged defect or defects relied on by the Undangs, nor was he afforded any opportunity to be heard. This raises a serious question as to how it is that Undangs can be said to have conducted the “full and complete enquiry” that Article X imposes as a pre-condition to their exercise of the power to remove the ruler.\nThis declaration was, however, rejected by the menteri besar, who confirmed that Mubarak had been removed as Undang and questioned his authority.\nThe Undangs then appear to have taken to social media to claim that no such determination was made at the DKU meeting on April 17.\nThe immediate question is whether there is any basis for the contention that Mubarak’s removal was determined by the April 17 meeting. If this is the case, then the matter ends there.\nAlthough the menteri besar has confirmed the removal, further confirmation from the DKU may have a calming effect.\nUnderstood in this light, there is in reality no constitutional crisis in Negeri Sembilan.\n \nMalik Imtiaz Sarwar is a senior constitutional and human rights lawyer.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-23T01:30:11.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","constitution","depose","Negeri Sembilan","ruler","undang","Yang di-Pertuan Besar"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/6faf06cf-istana-seri-menanti-wikimedia-commons-pic-230426.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/6faf06cf-istana-seri-menanti-wikimedia-commons-pic-230426.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/mistaking-history-for-threat","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/mistaking-history-for-threat","title":"Mistaking history for threat","summary":"The government’s decision to ban the book on Shamsiah Fakeh is a denial of the place communism has in our story — for good or bad.","content_html":"![\"Yeoh](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/46323ac2-yeoh-guan-jin-latest-confirm-271024-1.webp\")
Many Malaysian Chinese have close family ties in China — uncles or aunts, cousins and, quite possibly, even siblings.
\nBut that does not necessarily mean that they harbour communist ideals.
\nI know of a family whose eldest son returned to China to support the communist cause when Mao Zedong was leading the campaign to unseat the nationalist government of Chiang Khai Shek.
\nA younger son joined the Malayan Communist Party (CPM) and disappeared into the jungle, never to be seen again.
\nBut the remaining five brothers were happy to build a life in then Malaya. While they never publicly voiced anti-communist sentiments, they were not anti-national either.
\nThey supported the government of the day, and apart from the daily toil of providing for their families, they joined other Malayans in the quest to build a new nation.
\nPropaganda outlining the CPM cause for Malaya could not sway them, the same way family ties failed.
\nSimilarly, allowing the continued circulation of the books on CPM members Shamsiah Fakeh and L Ramasamy is not about to turn hordes of Malaysians into communists. Not even those who have relatives in China.
\nThe books had been freely sold and read for more than two decades since their publication.
\nHas it turned large numbers of young Malaysians into cadres of Red Guards out to dismantle a system that we have happily lived with for almost 70 years, never mind its many inadequacies? The answer is there for all to see.
\nAscribing such a threat, if ever one exists in the first place, to some literature recounting events in an era when conditions were entirely different is downright absurd.
\nIn contrast, Germany has chosen to accept an outrageous chapter in its history and to learn from it.
\nThe Mein Kampf, Hitler’s book that laid the foundation for his Nazi ideology and outlined his antisemitism campaign, remains in circulation in Germany today. An annotated version is now being used for educational purposes at schools and universities.
\nUnlike the Germans, we have chosen to keep our people ignorant of a similarly “unacceptable” part of our history. Our excuse?
\nA threat to national security. Intention to promote and legitimise communist beliefs. How preposterous.
\nWe are too sophisticated for that.
\nIt looks more like a ploy to distract us from more serious problems, such as job losses, racist attitudes, or increases in the prices of food, essential items and diesel as a result of the Mideast conflict.
\nThe fear of communist ideology spreading among the citizenry today is more a figment of the imagination of those in power than a clear and present danger.
\nLet’s face it. China now plays a big part in our development and economy. In 2024, the world’s second largest economy invested more than RM30 billion in Malaysia.
\nChinese resources are driving our big projects. The East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) is built by the Chinese, and its cost underwritten with loans from Chinese banks.
\nIn 2024 as well, Malaysia welcomed 3.7 million visitors from China, making the country one of our largest markets for tourism.
\nVisa exemption for Chinese travellers has accounted for the increase.
\nBut in our zeal to earn the Chinese yuan, did we forget that they are, after all, communists? Do we not fear that among those who visit or come here to work on our projects, some may be secretly spreading communist ideology and that some of our young ones may warm up to those values?
\nLike it or not, the communist movement is very much a part of our history, albeit on the wrong side. Banning books is not going to erase that.
\nIn any case material on communism, including Mao’s Little Red Book, is now freely available online.
\nShamsiah Fakeh, along with Chin Peng, Abdullah CD, Lai Teck, Rashid Maidin and many others aspired to the communist ideology, played a major role in the campaign to oust the Japanese from Malaya, only to be outlawed when the occupation ended.
\nErasing them from our history books will not change the fact that they had a big role in our infancy if not post-Merdeka growth and development.
\nA deeper understanding of that part of our history will not turn Malaysia red. On the other hand, accepting it will serve to enrich us.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Many Malaysian Chinese have close family ties in China — uncles or aunts, cousins and, quite possibly, even siblings.\nBut that does not necessarily mean that they harbour communist ideals.\nI know of a family whose eldest son returned to China to support the communist cause when Mao Zedong was leading the campaign to unseat the nationalist government of Chiang Khai Shek.\nA younger son joined the Malayan Communist Party (CPM) and disappeared into the jungle, never to be seen again.\nBut the remaining five brothers were happy to build a life in then Malaya. While they never publicly voiced anti-communist sentiments, they were not anti-national either.\nThey supported the government of the day, and apart from the daily toil of providing for their families, they joined other Malayans in the quest to build a new nation.\nPropaganda outlining the CPM cause for Malaya could not sway them, the same way family ties failed.\nSimilarly, allowing the continued circulation of the books on CPM members Shamsiah Fakeh and L Ramasamy is not about to turn hordes of Malaysians into communists. Not even those who have relatives in China.\nThe books had been freely sold and read for more than two decades since their publication.\nHas it turned large numbers of young Malaysians into cadres of Red Guards out to dismantle a system that we have happily lived with for almost 70 years, never mind its many inadequacies? The answer is there for all to see.\nAscribing such a threat, if ever one exists in the first place, to some literature recounting events in an era when conditions were entirely different is downright absurd.\nIn contrast, Germany has chosen to accept an outrageous chapter in its history and to learn from it.\nThe Mein Kampf, Hitler’s book that laid the foundation for his Nazi ideology and outlined his antisemitism campaign, remains in circulation in Germany today. An annotated version is now being used for educational purposes at schools and universities.\nUnlike the Germans, we have chosen to keep our people ignorant of a similarly “unacceptable” part of our history. Our excuse?\nA threat to national security. Intention to promote and legitimise communist beliefs. How preposterous.\nWe are too sophisticated for that.\nIt looks more like a ploy to distract us from more serious problems, such as job losses, racist attitudes, or increases in the prices of food, essential items and diesel as a result of the Mideast conflict.\nThe fear of communist ideology spreading among the citizenry today is more a figment of the imagination of those in power than a clear and present danger.\nLet’s face it. China now plays a big part in our development and economy. In 2024, the world’s second largest economy invested more than RM30 billion in Malaysia.\nChinese resources are driving our big projects. The East Coast Rail Link (ECRL) is built by the Chinese, and its cost underwritten with loans from Chinese banks.\nIn 2024 as well, Malaysia welcomed 3.7 million visitors from China, making the country one of our largest markets for tourism.\nVisa exemption for Chinese travellers has accounted for the increase.\nBut in our zeal to earn the Chinese yuan, did we forget that they are, after all, communists? Do we not fear that among those who visit or come here to work on our projects, some may be secretly spreading communist ideology and that some of our young ones may warm up to those values?\nLike it or not, the communist movement is very much a part of our history, albeit on the wrong side. Banning books is not going to erase that.\nIn any case material on communism, including Mao’s Little Red Book, is now freely available online.\nShamsiah Fakeh, along with Chin Peng, Abdullah CD, Lai Teck, Rashid Maidin and many others aspired to the communist ideology, played a major role in the campaign to oust the Japanese from Malaya, only to be outlawed when the occupation ended.\nErasing them from our history books will not change the fact that they had a big role in our infancy if not post-Merdeka growth and development.\nA deeper understanding of that part of our history will not turn Malaysia red. On the other hand, accepting it will serve to enrich us.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-23T01:00:13.000Z","author":{"name":"Yeoh Guan Jin"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Chin Peng","China","communist","CPM","History","L Ramasamy","Shamsiah Fakeh"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/46323ac2-yeoh-guan-jin-latest-confirm-271024-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/10/46323ac2-yeoh-guan-jin-latest-confirm-271024-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/tawar-menawar-pembeli-ais-dengan-saudagar-minyak","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/tawar-menawar-pembeli-ais-dengan-saudagar-minyak","title":"Tawar-menawar pembeli ais dengan saudagar minyak","summary":"Kita dapat lihat Amerika Syarikat berusaha mendapatkan bekalan berharga iaitu minyak tetapi tidak pandai berunding.","content_html":"![\"faisal](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/468bac2e-faisal-tehrani-columnist-new-160724-1.webp\")
Ada satu cerita yang masyhur dalam kalangan rakyat Iran. Ia adalah kisah seseorang yang ingin membeli ais dan cuai dalam tawar-menawar dengan penjualnya. Si pembeli menyangka dia punya masa yang banyak, akan tetapi fitrah negosiasi itu adalah mengenai satu barang berharga, yakni ‘ais’. Dan kita tahu ‘ais’ tidak punya jangka hayat lama. Ia akan mencair. Bahkan lebih lama tawar-menawar berlaku, maka lebih banyaklah si penjual ais kehilangan sabarnya. Si penjual ais tidak mahu kerugian, dan tentu ia akan memilih untuk beredar meninggalkan meja rundingan.
\nDemikianlah keadaan yang menimpa Amerika Syarikat. Donald Trump menyangka negaranya, AS mempunyai banyak kelebihan untuk tawar-menawar dengan Republik Islam Iran. Maka rundingan di Islamabad, Pakistan, yang berlangsung antara Iran dan AS pada 11 dan 12 April itu dibuat permainan. Utusan yang dikirim AS bukanlah diplomat yang berpengalaman. Kehadiran mereka malah ditertawakan. Mereka yang diterbangkan oleh Washington adalah Naib Presiden AS, JD Vance, yang dianggap mentah dalam politik, bersama Steve Witkoff utusan khas Trump, dan menantunya sendiri, Jared Kushner. Rakyat AS sendiri menganggap mereka ini sebagai pemodal dan ejen hartanah.
\nGerard Araud, diplomat Perancis berpengalaman dan biasa berurusan dengan Iran menyatakan tatkala berunding dengan Iran, seseorang memerlukan kesabaran dan iltizam yang tinggi. Ia selalunya melibatkan ratus jam negosiasi, di mana setiap patah perkataan dan ayat dibaca dan dibaiki berulang kali. Menurut Araud, negosiasi dengan Iran itu sendiri adalah satu medan tempur yang memerlukan kecekatan dan kecekapan luar biasa. Tambah jika ‘perkara yang akan dirundingi’ adalah ‘ais’.
\nIran, harus kita fahami adalah sebuah peradaban besar, dan telah lama wujud. Jauh sebelum kewujudan AS, pada abad ke-13, seorang ahli falak dan filsuf Parsi tersohor bernama Nasir al Din at Tusi (1201-1274) menulis sebuah dokumen mengenai kewangan. Sekiranya kita merujuk kepada memorandum At Tusi ini kita akan terkejut dengan tips dan petua yang diturunkan oleh beliau. Khusus dalam keadaan sekarang. Ini kerana At Tusi menulis memorandum kewangan beliau itu ketika Parsi dan Baghdad sedang berdepan dengan landaan kuasa besar ketika itu; Mongul. Memorandum At Tusi ini terpakai sehingga kini.
\nDalam terjemahan memorandum At Tusi yang dilakukan oleh profesor besar Ironologi, Profesor V Minorsky terbit pada tahun 1964, dinukilkan yang At Tusi berpesan, untuk mempertahankan kedaulatan negara ia akan dilakukan oleh pertama dengan tentera (pedang); kedua, dengan pena (diplomat).
\nIni bermakna, dalam kerangka dan sarwa pandang Iran sejak lama dahulu, perang itu terdiri dalam dua bentuk. Iaitu dengan peluru, mahupun dengan pena. Pendek kata, seorang diplomat itu sendiri adalah tentera. Di dalam parit kombat, mahupun di meja rundingan; kedua-duanya dianggap medan tempur.
\nAt Tusi menggariskan kualiti seorang panglima tentera. Pertamanya, seorang komander dikehendaki jangan berbalah dengan komander lainnya. Kedua, komander mestilah sehati sejiwa dengan Pemimpin. Ketiga, komander hanya akan mendengar perintah Pemimpin. Terakhir, seorang komander mestilah nekad dalam perang dan dilatih semua ilmu perang. Maka kita ketahui bagaimana duduk letak IRGC, tentera elit Iran hari ini. Mereka berdisiplin, dan memiliki moral terhormat.
\nPemimpin pula dikehendaki memenuhi keperluan tentera iaitu pertama, diberi serba cukup keperluan hidup. Kedua, tentera yang tinggi pangkatnya perlu diberi letak duduk medan yang sesuai dengannya, demikian juga dengan tentera yang rendah pangkatnya. Ketiga, pemimpin diminta menyantuni tentera, dan jika mereka terkorban diminta memberikan yang terbaik kepada keluarganya. Keempat, mereka juga akan diberikan habuan perang yang sesuai.
\nPemimpin pula dipesan agar sentiasa memastikan tenteranya dalam keadaan siaga, memerhatikan kemungkinan musuh muncul tiba-tiba, selain tidak memperkecilkan musuh yang dianggap lemah, dan tidak boleh meninggalkan medan. Inilah kualiti yang kita lihat ada pada Rahbar atau ‘supreme leader’ Iran. Baik Ayatollah Khomeini, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei dan sekarang Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei.
\nUntuk tentera di medan rundingan, atau mereka dengan pena, At Tusi berpesan mereka juga perlu memiliki kualiti yang serba cukup. Seorang yang berjuang dengan pena, sang diplomat itu hendaklah beragama; seorang sarjana (dalam hal hari ini tentu sahaja memiliki kelayakan pendidikan yang tinggi); pernah atau masih menjawat peranan yang tinggi dalam negara seperti hakim, menteri dan sebagainya; dan terakhir seorang pakar kewangan atau mereka yang menjaga perbendaharaan.
\nMaka tidaklah sukar memahami dalam hal negosiasi dengan Amerika Syarikat, Iran menghantar Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, speaker parlimennya; Menteri Luar Abbas Araghchi, dan Gabenor Bank Negara, Abdolnaser Hemmati, berserta Setiausaha Majlis Keselamatan Ali Akbar Ahmadian.
\nAt Tusi dalam memorandum beliau juga menegaskan fungsi perjanjian itu hanya ada empat. Ia adalah untuk memelihara jalan Tuhan Yang Maha Esa dalam kalangan manusia agar tidak mengalami perubahan; ia bertujuan untuk menzahirkan berita yang tersembunyi; perjanjian nanti berfungsi sebagai catatan kata-kata (yad-dihad) supaya tidak dilupakan; dan ia untuk memelihara kebenaran dalam kalangan manusia.
\nMembaca, memahami dan meneliti produk peradaban Iran ratus malah ribu tahun lalu maka tidaklah menghairankan jika nanti kita akan mendapati Iran meninggalkan meja negosiasi dengan AS ini. Trump diketahui seorang pengkhianat, pembohong dan tidak pernah mengotakan janjinya. Paling tidak itulah yang dialami oleh Iran beberapa kali.
\nUtusan atau wakil Iran di meja rundingan tidak akan menari gelek-gelek dengan musuh tentunya. Diplomasi Iran berbeza. Kita tidak akan melihat pemimpinnya seperti pemimpin UAE mencebur anak gadis mengerbangkan rambut seperti polong kuntilanak. Juga kita tidak akan melihat pemimpinnya menari-nari dengan adik-adik berbaju warna-warni warisan dihiasi bunga manggar dan taburan bunga rampai. Nauzubillah.
\nDi atas semua catatan dan petua rundingan yang diketengahkan oleh At Tusi ini tentulah ada firman Tuhan. Maka di meja perbincangan mahupun di dalam parti pertempuran, akan ada Surah al-Fath ayat 29 terngiang. Iaitu yang menyatakan bahawa orang beriman bersikap keras terhadap orang kafir tetapi berkasih sayang sesama mereka, serta Surah at-Taubah ayat 73 yang memerintahkan Nabi Muhammad untuk berjihad dan bersikap keras terhadap orang kafir dan munafik.
\nMaka kita tahu, kalau peperangan disambung lagi minggu ini; kita akan melihat sekali lagi Iran mara melawan AS dengan berani, dan akan menebas musuh munafik dalam kalangan negara jirannya yang bersekongkol dengan Zionis di belakang tabir.
\nKita hidup dalam zaman yang menarik dan penuh pengajaran. Kita dapat melihat AS berusaha mendapatkan bekalan berharga iaitu minyak, tetapi tidak pandai berunding. Untuk berbincang dan tawar-menawar dengan saudagar minyak, mereka tidak boleh berperangai seperti pembeli ais.
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Ada satu cerita yang masyhur dalam kalangan rakyat Iran. Ia adalah kisah seseorang yang ingin membeli ais dan cuai dalam tawar-menawar dengan penjualnya. Si pembeli menyangka dia punya masa yang banyak, akan tetapi fitrah negosiasi itu adalah mengenai satu barang berharga, yakni ‘ais’. Dan kita tahu ‘ais’ tidak punya jangka hayat lama. Ia akan mencair. Bahkan lebih lama tawar-menawar berlaku, maka lebih banyaklah si penjual ais kehilangan sabarnya. Si penjual ais tidak mahu kerugian, dan tentu ia akan memilih untuk beredar meninggalkan meja rundingan.\nDemikianlah keadaan yang menimpa Amerika Syarikat. Donald Trump menyangka negaranya, AS mempunyai banyak kelebihan untuk tawar-menawar dengan Republik Islam Iran. Maka rundingan di Islamabad, Pakistan, yang berlangsung antara Iran dan AS pada 11 dan 12 April itu dibuat permainan. Utusan yang dikirim AS bukanlah diplomat yang berpengalaman. Kehadiran mereka malah ditertawakan. Mereka yang diterbangkan oleh Washington adalah Naib Presiden AS, JD Vance, yang dianggap mentah dalam politik, bersama Steve Witkoff utusan khas Trump, dan menantunya sendiri, Jared Kushner. Rakyat AS sendiri menganggap mereka ini sebagai pemodal dan ejen hartanah.\nGerard Araud, diplomat Perancis berpengalaman dan biasa berurusan dengan Iran menyatakan tatkala berunding dengan Iran, seseorang memerlukan kesabaran dan iltizam yang tinggi. Ia selalunya melibatkan ratus jam negosiasi, di mana setiap patah perkataan dan ayat dibaca dan dibaiki berulang kali. Menurut Araud, negosiasi dengan Iran itu sendiri adalah satu medan tempur yang memerlukan kecekatan dan kecekapan luar biasa. Tambah jika ‘perkara yang akan dirundingi’ adalah ‘ais’.\nIran, harus kita fahami adalah sebuah peradaban besar, dan telah lama wujud. Jauh sebelum kewujudan AS, pada abad ke-13, seorang ahli falak dan filsuf Parsi tersohor bernama Nasir al Din at Tusi (1201-1274) menulis sebuah dokumen mengenai kewangan. Sekiranya kita merujuk kepada memorandum At Tusi ini kita akan terkejut dengan tips dan petua yang diturunkan oleh beliau. Khusus dalam keadaan sekarang. Ini kerana At Tusi menulis memorandum kewangan beliau itu ketika Parsi dan Baghdad sedang berdepan dengan landaan kuasa besar ketika itu; Mongul. Memorandum At Tusi ini terpakai sehingga kini.\nDalam terjemahan memorandum At Tusi yang dilakukan oleh profesor besar Ironologi, Profesor V Minorsky terbit pada tahun 1964, dinukilkan yang At Tusi berpesan, untuk mempertahankan kedaulatan negara ia akan dilakukan oleh pertama dengan tentera (pedang); kedua, dengan pena (diplomat).\nIni bermakna, dalam kerangka dan sarwa pandang Iran sejak lama dahulu, perang itu terdiri dalam dua bentuk. Iaitu dengan peluru, mahupun dengan pena. Pendek kata, seorang diplomat itu sendiri adalah tentera. Di dalam parit kombat, mahupun di meja rundingan; kedua-duanya dianggap medan tempur.\nAt Tusi menggariskan kualiti seorang panglima tentera. Pertamanya, seorang komander dikehendaki jangan berbalah dengan komander lainnya. Kedua, komander mestilah sehati sejiwa dengan Pemimpin. Ketiga, komander hanya akan mendengar perintah Pemimpin. Terakhir, seorang komander mestilah nekad dalam perang dan dilatih semua ilmu perang. Maka kita ketahui bagaimana duduk letak IRGC, tentera elit Iran hari ini. Mereka berdisiplin, dan memiliki moral terhormat.\nPemimpin pula dikehendaki memenuhi keperluan tentera iaitu pertama, diberi serba cukup keperluan hidup. Kedua, tentera yang tinggi pangkatnya perlu diberi letak duduk medan yang sesuai dengannya, demikian juga dengan tentera yang rendah pangkatnya. Ketiga, pemimpin diminta menyantuni tentera, dan jika mereka terkorban diminta memberikan yang terbaik kepada keluarganya. Keempat, mereka juga akan diberikan habuan perang yang sesuai.\nPemimpin pula dipesan agar sentiasa memastikan tenteranya dalam keadaan siaga, memerhatikan kemungkinan musuh muncul tiba-tiba, selain tidak memperkecilkan musuh yang dianggap lemah, dan tidak boleh meninggalkan medan. Inilah kualiti yang kita lihat ada pada Rahbar atau 'supreme leader' Iran. Baik Ayatollah Khomeini, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei dan sekarang Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei.\nUntuk tentera di medan rundingan, atau mereka dengan pena, At Tusi berpesan mereka juga perlu memiliki kualiti yang serba cukup. Seorang yang berjuang dengan pena, sang diplomat itu hendaklah beragama; seorang sarjana (dalam hal hari ini tentu sahaja memiliki kelayakan pendidikan yang tinggi); pernah atau masih menjawat peranan yang tinggi dalam negara seperti hakim, menteri dan sebagainya; dan terakhir seorang pakar kewangan atau mereka yang menjaga perbendaharaan.\nMaka tidaklah sukar memahami dalam hal negosiasi dengan Amerika Syarikat, Iran menghantar Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, speaker parlimennya; Menteri Luar Abbas Araghchi, dan Gabenor Bank Negara, Abdolnaser Hemmati, berserta Setiausaha Majlis Keselamatan Ali Akbar Ahmadian.\nAt Tusi dalam memorandum beliau juga menegaskan fungsi perjanjian itu hanya ada empat. Ia adalah untuk memelihara jalan Tuhan Yang Maha Esa dalam kalangan manusia agar tidak mengalami perubahan; ia bertujuan untuk menzahirkan berita yang tersembunyi; perjanjian nanti berfungsi sebagai catatan kata-kata (yad-dihad) supaya tidak dilupakan; dan ia untuk memelihara kebenaran dalam kalangan manusia.\nMembaca, memahami dan meneliti produk peradaban Iran ratus malah ribu tahun lalu maka tidaklah menghairankan jika nanti kita akan mendapati Iran meninggalkan meja negosiasi dengan AS ini. Trump diketahui seorang pengkhianat, pembohong dan tidak pernah mengotakan janjinya. Paling tidak itulah yang dialami oleh Iran beberapa kali.\nUtusan atau wakil Iran di meja rundingan tidak akan menari gelek-gelek dengan musuh tentunya. Diplomasi Iran berbeza. Kita tidak akan melihat pemimpinnya seperti pemimpin UAE mencebur anak gadis mengerbangkan rambut seperti polong kuntilanak. Juga kita tidak akan melihat pemimpinnya menari-nari dengan adik-adik berbaju warna-warni warisan dihiasi bunga manggar dan taburan bunga rampai. Nauzubillah.\nDi atas semua catatan dan petua rundingan yang diketengahkan oleh At Tusi ini tentulah ada firman Tuhan. Maka di meja perbincangan mahupun di dalam parti pertempuran, akan ada Surah al-Fath ayat 29 terngiang. Iaitu yang menyatakan bahawa orang beriman bersikap keras terhadap orang kafir tetapi berkasih sayang sesama mereka, serta Surah at-Taubah ayat 73 yang memerintahkan Nabi Muhammad untuk berjihad dan bersikap keras terhadap orang kafir dan munafik.\nMaka kita tahu, kalau peperangan disambung lagi minggu ini; kita akan melihat sekali lagi Iran mara melawan AS dengan berani, dan akan menebas musuh munafik dalam kalangan negara jirannya yang bersekongkol dengan Zionis di belakang tabir.\nKita hidup dalam zaman yang menarik dan penuh pengajaran. Kita dapat melihat AS berusaha mendapatkan bekalan berharga iaitu minyak, tetapi tidak pandai berunding. Untuk berbincang dan tawar-menawar dengan saudagar minyak, mereka tidak boleh berperangai seperti pembeli ais.\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-23T01:00:07.000Z","author":{"name":"Faisal Tehrani"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","ais","AS","Iran","minyak","pembeli","saudagar"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/468bac2e-faisal-tehrani-columnist-new-160724-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/468bac2e-faisal-tehrani-columnist-new-160724-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/ai-wont-take-all-our-jobs-judging-by-history-and-economics","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/ai-wont-take-all-our-jobs-judging-by-history-and-economics","title":"AI won’t take all our jobs, judging by history and economics","summary":"In many cases, it will complement human labour rather than replace it outright.","content_html":"![\"artificial](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/b12fda17-artificial-intelligence-ai-laptop-230424.webp\")
From Carmelo Ferlito
\nEvery major technological breakthrough brings with it a familiar wave of anxiety.
\nToday, artificial intelligence (AI) has taken centrestage as the supposed forerunner of mass unemployment. From automated writing tools to self-driving systems, the fear is that machines are not just replacing tasks, but entire professions.
\nThe impression is that this time, unlike before, the jobs simply will not come back.
\nIt is an understandable concern. But it is also one that history and sound economic reasoning suggest is deeply misguided.
\n\nThe idea that technology destroys jobs faster than it creates them is not new. In the early 19th century, English textile workers known as Luddites smashed mechanised looms out of fear that automation would render their skills obsolete.
\nLater, the spread of industrial machinery, electricity and eventually computers sparked similar predictions of permanent joblessness. Yet in each case, while certain occupations declined or disappeared, overall employment continued to grow and living standards rose dramatically.
\nWhy has this pattern repeated itself so consistently? A useful lens comes from the Austrian school of economics, which emphasises the dynamic, ever-evolving nature of market economies.
\nFrom this perspective, the economy is not a static system with a fixed number of jobs to be distributed. It is a process driven by human creativity, entrepreneurship and the constant discovery of new ways to satisfy human wants.
\nWhen a technology like AI increases productivity, it enables businesses to produce more with less input. At first glance, this seems to threaten jobs: if fewer people are needed for a task, some will be displaced.
\nBut this is only part of the story. Increased productivity lowers the cost of goods and services, which in turn lowers prices or improves quality. Consumers benefit through higher real purchasing power.
\nAnd here is the crucial point: human wants are not fixed or finite. As purchasing power increases, people demand more goods and services, including entirely new ones that did not previously exist.
\nThis creates opportunities for entrepreneurs to develop new products, industries and forms of employment. The labour “freed” by automation does not simply vanish into unemployment; rather, it becomes available for these new ventures.
\nConsider agriculture. In the early 1900s, a large share of the workforce in many countries was employed on farms. Today, thanks to mechanisation and improved techniques, only a small fraction of workers is needed to produce vastly more food.
\nIf technological unemployment were a permanent phenomenon, this massive displacement should have led to widespread joblessness.
\nInstead, those workers moved into manufacturing, and later into services, technology, healthcare, education and countless other fields earlier generations could scarcely have imagined.
\nThe same logic applies to AI. While it may automate certain tasks, especially routine or repetitive ones, it also opens the door to new roles that leverage human skills in different ways.
\nIn many cases, AI will complement human labour rather than replace it outright, increasing the productivity and value of workers who can effectively use these tools.
\nJust as spreadsheets did not eliminate accountants but changed the nature of their work, AI is likely to reshape jobs rather than eradicate them wholesale.
\nThe Austrian school also highlights the importance of price signals in coordinating this process. When AI reduces the need for labour in a particular sector, wages in that sector tend to fall relative to others. This sends a signal to workers and employers alike, encouraging a reallocation of labour toward areas where it is more highly valued.
\nAt the same time, lower production costs in AI-enhanced industries reduce prices, stimulating demand and freeing up income to be spent elsewhere. The result is a continuous adjustment process in which resources, including labour, flow to their most productive uses.
\nNone of this is to deny that technological change can be disruptive. Transitions can be difficult, especially for workers whose skills are closely tied to tasks that become automated.
\nThe adjustment process takes time, and not everyone benefits equally or immediately. But this is a challenge of adaptation and policy, not evidence of an inevitable march toward mass unemployment.
\nIt is also important to remember that AI itself does not act independently. It is developed, deployed and refined by entrepreneurs responding to market incentives.
\nIf an AI application does not create value for consumers, it will not be widely adopted. Conversely, when it does create value, it tends to expand economic activity rather than contract it. New industries emerge, existing ones grow and demand for complementary goods and services increases.
\nThe deeper mistake in the technological unemployment narrative is the assumption that there is a fixed amount of work to be done: a “lump of labour” that machines are gradually taking over.
\nIn reality, work is defined by human wants, and those wants evolve and expand over time. As long as people continue to desire better, cheaper and more diverse goods and services, there will be opportunities for human effort to be applied productively.
\nAI will undoubtedly change the nature of work in profound ways. Some jobs will disappear, others will be transformed and entirely new ones will emerge.
\nBut if history is any guide, and if we take seriously the insights of market economics, there is little reason to believe that AI will usher in an era of permanent mass unemployment.
\nThe more likely future is not one without work, but one in which human labour continues to adapt, specialise and create value in ways we have yet to fully imagine.
\n\n
Carmelo Ferlito is an economist and the CEO of the Center for Market Education.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Carmelo Ferlito\nEvery major technological breakthrough brings with it a familiar wave of anxiety.\nToday, artificial intelligence (AI) has taken centrestage as the supposed forerunner of mass unemployment. From automated writing tools to self-driving systems, the fear is that machines are not just replacing tasks, but entire professions.\nThe impression is that this time, unlike before, the jobs simply will not come back.\nIt is an understandable concern. But it is also one that history and sound economic reasoning suggest is deeply misguided.\n\nThe idea that technology destroys jobs faster than it creates them is not new. In the early 19th century, English textile workers known as Luddites smashed mechanised looms out of fear that automation would render their skills obsolete.\nLater, the spread of industrial machinery, electricity and eventually computers sparked similar predictions of permanent joblessness. Yet in each case, while certain occupations declined or disappeared, overall employment continued to grow and living standards rose dramatically.\nWhy has this pattern repeated itself so consistently? A useful lens comes from the Austrian school of economics, which emphasises the dynamic, ever-evolving nature of market economies.\nFrom this perspective, the economy is not a static system with a fixed number of jobs to be distributed. It is a process driven by human creativity, entrepreneurship and the constant discovery of new ways to satisfy human wants.\nWhen a technology like AI increases productivity, it enables businesses to produce more with less input. At first glance, this seems to threaten jobs: if fewer people are needed for a task, some will be displaced.\nBut this is only part of the story. Increased productivity lowers the cost of goods and services, which in turn lowers prices or improves quality. Consumers benefit through higher real purchasing power.\nAnd here is the crucial point: human wants are not fixed or finite. As purchasing power increases, people demand more goods and services, including entirely new ones that did not previously exist.\nThis creates opportunities for entrepreneurs to develop new products, industries and forms of employment. The labour “freed” by automation does not simply vanish into unemployment; rather, it becomes available for these new ventures.\nConsider agriculture. In the early 1900s, a large share of the workforce in many countries was employed on farms. Today, thanks to mechanisation and improved techniques, only a small fraction of workers is needed to produce vastly more food.\nIf technological unemployment were a permanent phenomenon, this massive displacement should have led to widespread joblessness.\nInstead, those workers moved into manufacturing, and later into services, technology, healthcare, education and countless other fields earlier generations could scarcely have imagined.\nThe same logic applies to AI. While it may automate certain tasks, especially routine or repetitive ones, it also opens the door to new roles that leverage human skills in different ways.\nIn many cases, AI will complement human labour rather than replace it outright, increasing the productivity and value of workers who can effectively use these tools.\nJust as spreadsheets did not eliminate accountants but changed the nature of their work, AI is likely to reshape jobs rather than eradicate them wholesale.\nThe Austrian school also highlights the importance of price signals in coordinating this process. When AI reduces the need for labour in a particular sector, wages in that sector tend to fall relative to others. This sends a signal to workers and employers alike, encouraging a reallocation of labour toward areas where it is more highly valued.\nAt the same time, lower production costs in AI-enhanced industries reduce prices, stimulating demand and freeing up income to be spent elsewhere. The result is a continuous adjustment process in which resources, including labour, flow to their most productive uses.\nNone of this is to deny that technological change can be disruptive. Transitions can be difficult, especially for workers whose skills are closely tied to tasks that become automated.\nThe adjustment process takes time, and not everyone benefits equally or immediately. But this is a challenge of adaptation and policy, not evidence of an inevitable march toward mass unemployment.\nIt is also important to remember that AI itself does not act independently. It is developed, deployed and refined by entrepreneurs responding to market incentives.\nIf an AI application does not create value for consumers, it will not be widely adopted. Conversely, when it does create value, it tends to expand economic activity rather than contract it. New industries emerge, existing ones grow and demand for complementary goods and services increases.\nThe deeper mistake in the technological unemployment narrative is the assumption that there is a fixed amount of work to be done: a “lump of labour” that machines are gradually taking over.\nIn reality, work is defined by human wants, and those wants evolve and expand over time. As long as people continue to desire better, cheaper and more diverse goods and services, there will be opportunities for human effort to be applied productively.\nAI will undoubtedly change the nature of work in profound ways. Some jobs will disappear, others will be transformed and entirely new ones will emerge.\nBut if history is any guide, and if we take seriously the insights of market economics, there is little reason to believe that AI will usher in an era of permanent mass unemployment.\nThe more likely future is not one without work, but one in which human labour continues to adapt, specialise and create value in ways we have yet to fully imagine.\n \nCarmelo Ferlito is an economist and the CEO of the Center for Market Education.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-23T00:00:58.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","artificial intelligence","economics","History","Luddites"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/b12fda17-artificial-intelligence-ai-laptop-230424.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/b12fda17-artificial-intelligence-ai-laptop-230424.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/we-are-the-traffic-we-complain-about","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/23/we-are-the-traffic-we-complain-about","title":"We are the traffic we complain about","summary":"Congestion is a byproduct of our own making; a direct result of our choices in urban planning and lifestyle.","content_html":"![\"KL](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/c3bc2591-1-kl-traffic-bernama-150325.webp\")
From Boo Jia Cher
\nKuala Lumpur’s gridlock periodically captures the headlines, yet we often treat traffic as an unavoidable external force.
\nIn reality, congestion is a byproduct of our own making, a direct result of our choices in urban planning and lifestyle. If our roads are perpetually paralysed, it is because the system is functioning exactly as we built it.
\nThe dream that built the jam
\nFor decades, many Malaysians have dreamed of owning a home at the city’s edge: a terrace house or gated bungalow, symbols of stability, success and achievement.
\nThis was not only cultural; it was feasible. Developers expanded to meet demand. Highways connected distant areas. Homeownership became linked to having land of your own. Areas like Puchong, Rawang and Shah Alam became the go-to choice for affordability, trading convenience for space.
\n\nInitially, this trade-off seemed beneficial. Land was cheap, and the commute felt reasonable. But distance just gets longer. Every household that moves 30km out still needs to return to the city. Congestion is the obvious outcome of sprawl.
\nThe trap of car dependency
\nLiving in low-density areas doesn’t just encourage driving; it makes it necessary. Shops are often too far to walk to. Streets aren’t friendly to pedestrians.
\nJobs are out of reach by cycling. Public transport struggles to serve spread-out neighbourhoods. Even a 500m trip to the food court can mean getting in a car.
\nWhat many regard as convenience is actually dependence. Once driving becomes the norm, the outcome is clear: more cars mean more roads, more roads lead to more sprawl, and more sprawl leads to longer travel time. Each choice seems logical on its own but collectively, they create gridlock.
\nWhy the city still repels
\nIf living closer to the centre is the solution, why doesn’t it feel more attractive? For many Malaysians, the city remains an unpleasant place to live in, and that perception isn’t unfounded.
\nStep outside many apartments in KL and the problems are immediate: broken sidewalks, inconsistent maintenance, and public spaces that feel dirty, unsafe, or simply uncomfortable.
\nLighting is often inadequate at night. Major roads are wide, fast and hostile to pedestrians, with too few crossings and long wait times at signals. Even short walks can feel like a chore, if not a risk.
\nThis isn’t to dismiss DBKL’s efforts. But when improvements are uneven, liveability feels less like a standard and more like luck.
\nSo people pull back. Streets empty out of people. The mall takes the place of the public square. Life shrinks to a closed loop: home, highway, parking lot, office, mall. Highrise living in these conditions stifles urban life.
\nTransit-oriented dysfunction
\nSimilarly, proximity to transit isn’t enough. If the street outside is hostile, people will still drive, often for the shortest trips. It’s not uncommon for someone to take the MRT to work, yet drive from their condo to a restaurant across the road simply because there’s no safe pedestrian crossing.
\nThat’s how dense cities end up mirroring sprawl. One spreads people out; the other shuts them in. Both disconnect people from the city around them.
\nThe cycle of escape
\nThus, the Malaysian view of the city is shaped by a desire to escape.
\nSome people move out to suburbs an hour’s drive away, trading time for space. Others go upward to highrise units, swapping space for convenience.
\nThe impulse is the same: avoid public space. But this withdrawal has consequences. As people retreat, streets become emptier, less safe, and less cared for.
\nDriving takes over. Congestion increases. We are not just avoiding traffic; we are fleeing and undermining the conditions that make a city worth living in.
\nFixing the space between
\nCongestion is a symptom of suburban aspiration, weak planning, car-first policy, and neglected public space. Fixing it requires more than surface fixes.
\nWe need to rethink what we build by filling the “missing middle” between towers and sprawl: midrise housing of five to seven storeys. Dense enough to support shops, schools, and transit, yet human in scale, these neighbourhoods make walking and daily proximity possible.
\nThey avoid both tower isolation and suburban distance, but form alone isn’t enough.
\nWe also need to change parking rules. Minimum parking requirements should be removed, and near transit, parking should be capped. When developers are no longer forced to overprovide parking, they stop designing for cars by default.
\nThis also changes who the city attracts: people who don’t rely on cars: transit users, students, smaller households. Over time, that shifts demand itself, reducing car ownership and traffic.
\nIf we keep building for cars, people will keep driving and cities will keep sprawling. Until cars stop being the default, congestion will persist.
\nA different kind of aspiration
\nThe landed dream carries costs we can’t ignore. Ending congestion means ending unchecked sprawl across state borders. KL is not an island; much of its traffic is produced in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan.
\nWe need walkable, midrise neighbourhoods as the default, supported by parking policies that don’t lock in car dependence.
\nOtherwise, the cycle repeats: new townships promise relief, new highways promise flow, but the same jams return.
\nWe are not stuck in traffic. We are the traffic.
\n\n
Boo Jia Cher is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Boo Jia Cher\nKuala Lumpur’s gridlock periodically captures the headlines, yet we often treat traffic as an unavoidable external force.\nIn reality, congestion is a byproduct of our own making, a direct result of our choices in urban planning and lifestyle. If our roads are perpetually paralysed, it is because the system is functioning exactly as we built it.\nThe dream that built the jam\nFor decades, many Malaysians have dreamed of owning a home at the city’s edge: a terrace house or gated bungalow, symbols of stability, success and achievement.\nThis was not only cultural; it was feasible. Developers expanded to meet demand. Highways connected distant areas. Homeownership became linked to having land of your own. Areas like Puchong, Rawang and Shah Alam became the go-to choice for affordability, trading convenience for space.\n\nInitially, this trade-off seemed beneficial. Land was cheap, and the commute felt reasonable. But distance just gets longer. Every household that moves 30km out still needs to return to the city. Congestion is the obvious outcome of sprawl.\nThe trap of car dependency\nLiving in low-density areas doesn’t just encourage driving; it makes it necessary. Shops are often too far to walk to. Streets aren’t friendly to pedestrians.\nJobs are out of reach by cycling. Public transport struggles to serve spread-out neighbourhoods. Even a 500m trip to the food court can mean getting in a car.\nWhat many regard as convenience is actually dependence. Once driving becomes the norm, the outcome is clear: more cars mean more roads, more roads lead to more sprawl, and more sprawl leads to longer travel time. Each choice seems logical on its own but collectively, they create gridlock.\nWhy the city still repels\nIf living closer to the centre is the solution, why doesn’t it feel more attractive? For many Malaysians, the city remains an unpleasant place to live in, and that perception isn’t unfounded.\nStep outside many apartments in KL and the problems are immediate: broken sidewalks, inconsistent maintenance, and public spaces that feel dirty, unsafe, or simply uncomfortable.\nLighting is often inadequate at night. Major roads are wide, fast and hostile to pedestrians, with too few crossings and long wait times at signals. Even short walks can feel like a chore, if not a risk.\nThis isn’t to dismiss DBKL’s efforts. But when improvements are uneven, liveability feels less like a standard and more like luck.\nSo people pull back. Streets empty out of people. The mall takes the place of the public square. Life shrinks to a closed loop: home, highway, parking lot, office, mall. Highrise living in these conditions stifles urban life.\nTransit-oriented dysfunction\nSimilarly, proximity to transit isn’t enough. If the street outside is hostile, people will still drive, often for the shortest trips. It’s not uncommon for someone to take the MRT to work, yet drive from their condo to a restaurant across the road simply because there’s no safe pedestrian crossing.\nThat’s how dense cities end up mirroring sprawl. One spreads people out; the other shuts them in. Both disconnect people from the city around them.\nThe cycle of escape\nThus, the Malaysian view of the city is shaped by a desire to escape.\nSome people move out to suburbs an hour’s drive away, trading time for space. Others go upward to highrise units, swapping space for convenience.\nThe impulse is the same: avoid public space. But this withdrawal has consequences. As people retreat, streets become emptier, less safe, and less cared for.\nDriving takes over. Congestion increases. We are not just avoiding traffic; we are fleeing and undermining the conditions that make a city worth living in.\nFixing the space between\nCongestion is a symptom of suburban aspiration, weak planning, car-first policy, and neglected public space. Fixing it requires more than surface fixes.\nWe need to rethink what we build by filling the “missing middle” between towers and sprawl: midrise housing of five to seven storeys. Dense enough to support shops, schools, and transit, yet human in scale, these neighbourhoods make walking and daily proximity possible.\nThey avoid both tower isolation and suburban distance, but form alone isn’t enough.\nWe also need to change parking rules. Minimum parking requirements should be removed, and near transit, parking should be capped. When developers are no longer forced to overprovide parking, they stop designing for cars by default.\nThis also changes who the city attracts: people who don’t rely on cars: transit users, students, smaller households. Over time, that shifts demand itself, reducing car ownership and traffic.\nIf we keep building for cars, people will keep driving and cities will keep sprawling. Until cars stop being the default, congestion will persist.\nA different kind of aspiration\nThe landed dream carries costs we can’t ignore. Ending congestion means ending unchecked sprawl across state borders. KL is not an island; much of its traffic is produced in Selangor and Negeri Sembilan.\nWe need walkable, midrise neighbourhoods as the default, supported by parking policies that don’t lock in car dependence.\nOtherwise, the cycle repeats: new townships promise relief, new highways promise flow, but the same jams return.\nWe are not stuck in traffic. We are the traffic.\n \nBoo Jia Cher is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-22T23:00:04.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","Lifestyle","traffic congestion","transport","urban planning"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/c3bc2591-1-kl-traffic-bernama-150325.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/c3bc2591-1-kl-traffic-bernama-150325.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/karims-defence-of-process-and-a-silence-on-eligibility","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/karims-defence-of-process-and-a-silence-on-eligibility","title":"Karim’s defence of process, and a silence on eligibility","summary":"The Malaysia Athletics president leans on domestic law and constitutional compliance, but the clash with World Athletics rules remains unresolved.","content_html":"![\"frankie](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/6e2507ca-frankie-dcruz-new-description-020425-2.webp\")
When Malaysia Athletics president Karim Ibrahim broke his silence, he set out a clear defence. His election, he said, followed the constitution and a transparent process.
\nHe added that the rules carried the approval of the sports commissioner, placing his position firmly within the national framework.
\nThat argument addresses how he took office. It does not resolve whether he should hold it.
\nThis distinction now defines the crisis in Malaysian athletics.
\nKarim’s statement rests on domestic legality. By that measure, his position appears secure but Malaysia Athletics does not operate only within national boundaries.
\nIt sits inside a global system governed by World Athletics. Membership in that structure requires compliance with its rules, including those on integrity and eligibility.
\nThat is where the tension begins.
\nA national constitution can permit an outcome that the international body does not accept.
\nWhen that happens, citing local approval does not settle the matter. The federation must still answer to the framework it belongs to.
\nKarim’s statement draws a line between Malaysian law and World Athletics. The distinction is legally sound but in practice, it is incomplete.
\nA federation cannot separate domestic authority from international obligations while seeking to compete on the global stage.
\nThis is not an abstract debate. In 2018, the Court of Arbitration for Sport upheld findings against Karim involving the handling of athlete allowance funds and his role in advising athletes to avoid doping tests.
\nWorld Athletics later deemed him ineligible under its integrity framework. That position still stands.
\nKarim has rejected claims that he faces a lifetime ban, and argues that no fixed duration was set.
\nThat point addresses the length of any sanction. It does not address the question of eligibility under World Athletics rules.
\nHis statement does not engage with that question. It returns instead to process and approval.
\nHe also points to his tenure as a council member of Asia Athletics from 2019 to 2023. On the surface, that suggests continued recognition at the regional level after the CAS ruling.
\nBut the details matter. Was that role subject to the same vetting standards applied by World Athletics? Did it involve a separate process, or different criteria?
\nWithout clear documentation or an official explanation, the claim raises more questions than it answers.
\nIt cannot, on its own, resolve the issue of eligibility under the global framework.
\nKarim expresses surprise that the issue has resurfaced now. He notes that it was not challenged during the nomination and election process.
\nThat argument assumes the process unfolded with full visibility. Recent developments suggest otherwise.
\nCorrespondence from World Athletics surfaced late in the process. Council members requested access to the letter and did not receive it.
\nThe matter only came into full view during a later meeting. If key information did not reach the council in time, then the idea of informed consent becomes difficult to sustain.
\nTransparency requires more than a vote. It requires full disclosure.
\nThat brings the focus to the executive council. The five-year cap on suspensions did not appear overnight.
\nIt was drafted, presented and approved and went before the council and later the annual meeting. At each stage, it passed without recorded resistance.
\nSome members now say they lacked clarity when the amendment came up. That explanation carries limits.
\nThe responsibility to question, to seek detail and to test alignment with international rules rests with those in the room.
\nIf the council had examined the clause closely at the outset, or challenged its compatibility with World Athletics standards at the annual meeting last June, the current crisis might have been avoided.
\nSilence at those points allowed the rule to stand. That silence now carries consequences.
\nThis is not about shifting blame but about understanding how the situation developed.
\nGovernance does not fail at a single moment. It weakens through a series of decisions left unchallenged.
\nKarim closes his statement with a call for unity and progress. The sentiment is reasonable but unity cannot take shape without clarity. Progress cannot follow if the central issue remains unresolved.
\nMalaysia Athletics now faces a choice. It can continue to defend process and domestic legality. Or it can confront the question that sits at the centre of the crisis.
\nCan a federation remain in good standing with the global system it depends on while upholding a position that World Athletics does not recognise?
\nUntil that question receives a direct answer, the debate will not move forward.
\nKarim has explained how he got there. The issue that remains is whether that is enough.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"When Malaysia Athletics president Karim Ibrahim broke his silence, he set out a clear defence. His election, he said, followed the constitution and a transparent process.\nHe added that the rules carried the approval of the sports commissioner, placing his position firmly within the national framework.\nThat argument addresses how he took office. It does not resolve whether he should hold it.\nThis distinction now defines the crisis in Malaysian athletics.\nKarim's statement rests on domestic legality. By that measure, his position appears secure but Malaysia Athletics does not operate only within national boundaries.\nIt sits inside a global system governed by World Athletics. Membership in that structure requires compliance with its rules, including those on integrity and eligibility.\nThat is where the tension begins.\nA national constitution can permit an outcome that the international body does not accept.\nWhen that happens, citing local approval does not settle the matter. The federation must still answer to the framework it belongs to.\nKarim's statement draws a line between Malaysian law and World Athletics. The distinction is legally sound but in practice, it is incomplete.\nA federation cannot separate domestic authority from international obligations while seeking to compete on the global stage.\nThis is not an abstract debate. In 2018, the Court of Arbitration for Sport upheld findings against Karim involving the handling of athlete allowance funds and his role in advising athletes to avoid doping tests.\nWorld Athletics later deemed him ineligible under its integrity framework. That position still stands.\nKarim has rejected claims that he faces a lifetime ban, and argues that no fixed duration was set.\nThat point addresses the length of any sanction. It does not address the question of eligibility under World Athletics rules.\nHis statement does not engage with that question. It returns instead to process and approval.\nHe also points to his tenure as a council member of Asia Athletics from 2019 to 2023. On the surface, that suggests continued recognition at the regional level after the CAS ruling.\nBut the details matter. Was that role subject to the same vetting standards applied by World Athletics? Did it involve a separate process, or different criteria?\nWithout clear documentation or an official explanation, the claim raises more questions than it answers.\nIt cannot, on its own, resolve the issue of eligibility under the global framework.\nKarim expresses surprise that the issue has resurfaced now. He notes that it was not challenged during the nomination and election process.\nThat argument assumes the process unfolded with full visibility. Recent developments suggest otherwise.\nCorrespondence from World Athletics surfaced late in the process. Council members requested access to the letter and did not receive it.\nThe matter only came into full view during a later meeting. If key information did not reach the council in time, then the idea of informed consent becomes difficult to sustain.\nTransparency requires more than a vote. It requires full disclosure.\nThat brings the focus to the executive council. The five-year cap on suspensions did not appear overnight.\nIt was drafted, presented and approved and went before the council and later the annual meeting. At each stage, it passed without recorded resistance.\nSome members now say they lacked clarity when the amendment came up. That explanation carries limits.\nThe responsibility to question, to seek detail and to test alignment with international rules rests with those in the room.\nIf the council had examined the clause closely at the outset, or challenged its compatibility with World Athletics standards at the annual meeting last June, the current crisis might have been avoided.\nSilence at those points allowed the rule to stand. That silence now carries consequences.\nThis is not about shifting blame but about understanding how the situation developed.\nGovernance does not fail at a single moment. It weakens through a series of decisions left unchallenged.\nKarim closes his statement with a call for unity and progress. The sentiment is reasonable but unity cannot take shape without clarity. Progress cannot follow if the central issue remains unresolved.\nMalaysia Athletics now faces a choice. It can continue to defend process and domestic legality. Or it can confront the question that sits at the centre of the crisis.\nCan a federation remain in good standing with the global system it depends on while upholding a position that World Athletics does not recognise?\nUntil that question receives a direct answer, the debate will not move forward.\nKarim has explained how he got there. The issue that remains is whether that is enough.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-22T07:15:18.000Z","author":{"name":"Frankie D'Cruz"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Sports","Top Sports","Asia Athletics","Athletics Crisis","Court of Arbitration for Sport","integrity","Karim Ibrahim","malaysia athletics","Sports Governance","World Athletics"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/6e2507ca-frankie-dcruz-new-description-020425-2.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/6e2507ca-frankie-dcruz-new-description-020425-2.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/wuf13-in-baku-to-advance-regional-global-urban-cooperation","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/wuf13-in-baku-to-advance-regional-global-urban-cooperation","title":"WUF13 in Baku to advance regional, global urban cooperation","summary":"Key topics at the World Urban Forum 13 will include urban financing, climate adaptation, and practical policy solutions for rapidly growing cities.","content_html":"![\"World](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/3d57f4d7-wuf13-baku-emel-pic-220426.webp\")
From Shabnam Karimova
\nBaku will host the 13th session of the World Urban Forum (WUF13) from May 17 to 22, bringing together policymakers, experts, leaders, and innovators to address pressing global urban challenges.
\nThemed “Housing for All: Safe and Resilient Cities”, the forum will focus on expanding affordable housing, strengthening climate resilience, mobilising financing, and advancing innovative urban design tailored to local contexts.
\nMore than half the world’s population now lives in cities, and rapid urbanisation is placing increasing pressure on housing, infrastructure, and services.
\nInformal settlements are expanding, while climate change is intensifying risks through floods, droughts, and heatwaves. These combined challenges continue to strain sustainable development efforts worldwide.
\nRecognised as the largest UN platform on sustainable urban development, the World Urban Forum brings together governments, city authorities, civil society, youth, investors, and professionals, reflecting the understanding that urban development is closely linked to social equity, climate action, and economic stability.
\nWUF13 will include a leaders’ summit for the first time, bringing together heads of state and government.
\nThis underscores the growing recognition that housing and urban development are central to national policy and global stability, rather than purely technical issues.
\nUrban challenges are particularly acute in regions such as Africa, Asia, Latin America, and parts of the Middle East, where rapid growth is compounded by weak infrastructure, limited resources, climate vulnerability, and constrained access to financing.
\nCities are therefore under dual pressure to deliver sustainable development while ensuring social equity.
\nFor many developing countries, the forum provides an important platform to share experiences and contribute to global urban policy discussions.
\nGreater participation from the global south has strengthened WUF’s role as a space for inclusive dialogue and knowledge exchange.
\nKey topics at WUF13 are expected to include urban financing, climate adaptation, and practical policy solutions for rapidly growing cities.
\nHosting WUF13 represents a significant milestone for Azerbaijan and an opportunity to showcase its approach to urban development, balancing historical heritage with modernisation.
\nAzerbaijan has also strengthened its international role by hosting the UN Climate Change Conference in November 2024, positioning itself as a bridge between developed and developing economies.
\nAt WUF13, discussions will focus on mobilising investment for affordable housing and resilient infrastructure through cooperation between multilateral development banks, sovereign wealth funds, and private investors.
\nEarlier this year, Azerbaijan declared 2026 as the “Year of Urban Planning and Architecture”, reinforcing its commitment to combining heritage preservation with modern design and green technology.
\nWUF13 will feature high-level dialogues, technical sessions, exhibitions, and policy-focused discussions, alongside new partnerships and the launch of actionable initiatives.
\nBeyond logistics, the forum carries strong symbolic significance. Baku’s location at the crossroads of Europe and Asia reflects the interconnected nature of today’s urban challenges.
\nUltimately, WUF13 sends a clear message: the future of humanity is closely tied to the future of its cities.
\nUrban spaces must be inclusive, resilient, and centred on human dignity. This is not only an aspiration but a necessity for sustainable global development.
\nAzerbaijan’s role as host positions it not only as an organiser but also as an active contributor to shaping a shared global urban future, with discussions expected to translate into practical policies and meaningful partnerships.
\n\n
Shabnam Karimova is the first secretary at the Azerbaijan embassy in Malaysia.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Shabnam Karimova\nBaku will host the 13th session of the World Urban Forum (WUF13) from May 17 to 22, bringing together policymakers, experts, leaders, and innovators to address pressing global urban challenges.\nThemed “Housing for All: Safe and Resilient Cities”, the forum will focus on expanding affordable housing, strengthening climate resilience, mobilising financing, and advancing innovative urban design tailored to local contexts.\nMore than half the world’s population now lives in cities, and rapid urbanisation is placing increasing pressure on housing, infrastructure, and services.\nInformal settlements are expanding, while climate change is intensifying risks through floods, droughts, and heatwaves. These combined challenges continue to strain sustainable development efforts worldwide.\nRecognised as the largest UN platform on sustainable urban development, the World Urban Forum brings together governments, city authorities, civil society, youth, investors, and professionals, reflecting the understanding that urban development is closely linked to social equity, climate action, and economic stability.\nWUF13 will include a leaders’ summit for the first time, bringing together heads of state and government.\nThis underscores the growing recognition that housing and urban development are central to national policy and global stability, rather than purely technical issues.\nUrban challenges are particularly acute in regions such as Africa, Asia, Latin America, and parts of the Middle East, where rapid growth is compounded by weak infrastructure, limited resources, climate vulnerability, and constrained access to financing.\nCities are therefore under dual pressure to deliver sustainable development while ensuring social equity.\nFor many developing countries, the forum provides an important platform to share experiences and contribute to global urban policy discussions.\nGreater participation from the global south has strengthened WUF’s role as a space for inclusive dialogue and knowledge exchange.\nKey topics at WUF13 are expected to include urban financing, climate adaptation, and practical policy solutions for rapidly growing cities.\nHosting WUF13 represents a significant milestone for Azerbaijan and an opportunity to showcase its approach to urban development, balancing historical heritage with modernisation.\nAzerbaijan has also strengthened its international role by hosting the UN Climate Change Conference in November 2024, positioning itself as a bridge between developed and developing economies.\nAt WUF13, discussions will focus on mobilising investment for affordable housing and resilient infrastructure through cooperation between multilateral development banks, sovereign wealth funds, and private investors.\nEarlier this year, Azerbaijan declared 2026 as the \"Year of Urban Planning and Architecture\", reinforcing its commitment to combining heritage preservation with modern design and green technology.\nWUF13 will feature high-level dialogues, technical sessions, exhibitions, and policy-focused discussions, alongside new partnerships and the launch of actionable initiatives.\nBeyond logistics, the forum carries strong symbolic significance. Baku’s location at the crossroads of Europe and Asia reflects the interconnected nature of today’s urban challenges.\nUltimately, WUF13 sends a clear message: the future of humanity is closely tied to the future of its cities.\nUrban spaces must be inclusive, resilient, and centred on human dignity. This is not only an aspiration but a necessity for sustainable global development.\nAzerbaijan’s role as host positions it not only as an organiser but also as an active contributor to shaping a shared global urban future, with discussions expected to translate into practical policies and meaningful partnerships.\n \nShabnam Karimova is the first secretary at the Azerbaijan embassy in Malaysia.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-22T06:30:18.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Top News","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","affordable housing","Azerbaijan","baku","climate resilience","development","housing policy","infrastructure","smart cities","sustainable cities","UN Habitat","urban development","urban financing","urbanisation","World Urban Forum","WUF13"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/3d57f4d7-wuf13-baku-emel-pic-220426.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/3d57f4d7-wuf13-baku-emel-pic-220426.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/forget-grand-convocations-focus-on-instilling-ethics-and-integrity-instead","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/forget-grand-convocations-focus-on-instilling-ethics-and-integrity-instead","title":"Forget grand convocations, focus on instilling ethics and integrity instead","summary":"Let’s not pour good money on hosting grand convocation events while key players continue to have a degree of opaqueness surrounding their demeanour, both professional and personal.","content_html":"![\"Walter](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/e57864a2-walter-sandosam-columnist-terpaling-latest-011025-1.webp\")
Ethics and integrity are the cornerstones of good governance. Catchy phraseology, eerie video clips or elaborate convocation ceremonies have limited merit when ethics and integrity are compromised or redefined to serve self-interests, be it political or otherwise.
\nThe government spokesman’s recent statement — that the Cabinet has not been briefed by the chief secretary on the select committee’s findings regarding a senior civil servant — is both perturbing and saddening.
\nAs an ex-auditor and fraud investigator, who also served on two of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) oversight panels in its early years, I have written in this space on the ease at which claims made on reporting on shareholdings by civil servants could be speedily investigated.
\nOne either declared or not, one either has been truthful or not. Then again, it could be attributable to the failure of the IT systems to capture such input.
\nIf the IT system is at fault, other heads need to roll! Possibly there is a virus and a need for system maintenance.
\nThen again, the policies and procedures for reporting may be outdated or unfit for purpose. The auditor-general should examine this.
\nAlternatively, the Standing Orders may only call for a slap on the wrist, if revealed, as there is no criminal element. Only ethical behaviour that is found wanting.
\nThe crux of the matter is whether truth was told when reports both in foreign and local press emerged on questionable shareholdings. This impinges on integrity, both data integrity and human integrity.
\nMany, including those in power and those heading enforcement and other agencies, have conveniently forgotten the background against which the MACC Act 2009 came into force. It was to eliminate selective investigations and prosecutions.
\nIt should not be perceived, rightly or wrongly, by the masses, that select agencies are being used to settle old scores with political foes of yesteryears.
\nIncreasingly if one follows trends of behaviour, including orders on declaration of assets targeted to a select few, even in the absence of an offence predicate, in some instances, one cannot be faulted for harbouring thoughts on selective enforcement.
\nHiding behind the tenet that such powers to investigate are within the law is unethical.
\nWaiting out the duration of the contract as well as inordinate unexplained delays risks the chief secretary being perceived as either impotent or incompetent to take the required actions to brief the Cabinet, and by default the general public.
\nThis is irresponsible behaviour bordering on criminal intent.
\nFor the Cabinet to say, “we haven’t heard anything yet” is even more beguiling and reflects sheer irresponsibility. Where are those federal ministers who are now in the Cabinet, once vocal critics, when one needs them the most.
\nIs it “don’t rock the boat” or “rock a bye baby”?
\n“Why are we waiting” is an apt chant here.
\nPossibly those who turned up with placards at a recent event and were hauled up by the authorities in abuse of their democratic rights, should adopt these words as a suitable narrative on the placard and sing their hearts out.
\nThen perhaps they will not be manhandled at functions which, surprisingly and contradictorily speaking, are harping on and trying to deliver a message on integrity and corruption.
\nFollowing on that, then there is tight security at another event so that rabble rousers will not throw cold water on the auspiciousness and sanctity of the event.
\nIronically the tight security is at a convocation, a grandiose event celebrating integrity.
\nWhat are chief integrity officers expected to take away from their graduation? Is it all nothing but shadow play condoned by those in the corridors of power?
\nAs memory serves, there has not been such fervour shown to bring disrepute on any event attended by a senior enforcement agency officer. It is telling and reflects a morbid breakdown in good governance starting from the top.
\nIt puts corporate mafia insinuations to shame.
\nWhen the dust settles, with possibly a new appointment and this episode being swept under the carpet, what is the message being sent to the youth of the nation on good governance and accountability.
\nThese virtues were shouted from the highest rooftops when the current cohort was not holding the reins of power. Now that they are in power, the reality of human behaviour is up for all to see.
\nNo wonder, day by day, we continue to hear of cases of bribery and corruption, the latest being unclean funds purportedly in the accounts of a branch of a political party, currently a part of the government.
\nLet’s not pour good money after bad by hosting grand convocation events purportedly to improve the environment of ethical behaviour while key players continue to have a degree of opaqueness surrounding their demeanour, both professional and personal.
\nRestoring trust is an uphill battle, instilling good ethics is an even greater challenge.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Ethics and integrity are the cornerstones of good governance. Catchy phraseology, eerie video clips or elaborate convocation ceremonies have limited merit when ethics and integrity are compromised or redefined to serve self-interests, be it political or otherwise.\nThe government spokesman’s recent statement — that the Cabinet has not been briefed by the chief secretary on the select committee’s findings regarding a senior civil servant — is both perturbing and saddening.\nAs an ex-auditor and fraud investigator, who also served on two of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) oversight panels in its early years, I have written in this space on the ease at which claims made on reporting on shareholdings by civil servants could be speedily investigated.\nOne either declared or not, one either has been truthful or not. Then again, it could be attributable to the failure of the IT systems to capture such input.\nIf the IT system is at fault, other heads need to roll! Possibly there is a virus and a need for system maintenance.\nThen again, the policies and procedures for reporting may be outdated or unfit for purpose. The auditor-general should examine this.\nAlternatively, the Standing Orders may only call for a slap on the wrist, if revealed, as there is no criminal element. Only ethical behaviour that is found wanting.\nThe crux of the matter is whether truth was told when reports both in foreign and local press emerged on questionable shareholdings. This impinges on integrity, both data integrity and human integrity.\nMany, including those in power and those heading enforcement and other agencies, have conveniently forgotten the background against which the MACC Act 2009 came into force. It was to eliminate selective investigations and prosecutions.\nIt should not be perceived, rightly or wrongly, by the masses, that select agencies are being used to settle old scores with political foes of yesteryears.\nIncreasingly if one follows trends of behaviour, including orders on declaration of assets targeted to a select few, even in the absence of an offence predicate, in some instances, one cannot be faulted for harbouring thoughts on selective enforcement.\nHiding behind the tenet that such powers to investigate are within the law is unethical.\nWaiting out the duration of the contract as well as inordinate unexplained delays risks the chief secretary being perceived as either impotent or incompetent to take the required actions to brief the Cabinet, and by default the general public.\nThis is irresponsible behaviour bordering on criminal intent.\nFor the Cabinet to say, “we haven’t heard anything yet” is even more beguiling and reflects sheer irresponsibility. Where are those federal ministers who are now in the Cabinet, once vocal critics, when one needs them the most.\nIs it “don’t rock the boat” or “rock a bye baby”?\n“Why are we waiting” is an apt chant here.\nPossibly those who turned up with placards at a recent event and were hauled up by the authorities in abuse of their democratic rights, should adopt these words as a suitable narrative on the placard and sing their hearts out.\nThen perhaps they will not be manhandled at functions which, surprisingly and contradictorily speaking, are harping on and trying to deliver a message on integrity and corruption.\nFollowing on that, then there is tight security at another event so that rabble rousers will not throw cold water on the auspiciousness and sanctity of the event.\nIronically the tight security is at a convocation, a grandiose event celebrating integrity.\nWhat are chief integrity officers expected to take away from their graduation? Is it all nothing but shadow play condoned by those in the corridors of power?\nAs memory serves, there has not been such fervour shown to bring disrepute on any event attended by a senior enforcement agency officer. It is telling and reflects a morbid breakdown in good governance starting from the top.\nIt puts corporate mafia insinuations to shame.\nWhen the dust settles, with possibly a new appointment and this episode being swept under the carpet, what is the message being sent to the youth of the nation on good governance and accountability.\nThese virtues were shouted from the highest rooftops when the current cohort was not holding the reins of power. Now that they are in power, the reality of human behaviour is up for all to see.\nNo wonder, day by day, we continue to hear of cases of bribery and corruption, the latest being unclean funds purportedly in the accounts of a branch of a political party, currently a part of the government.\nLet’s not pour good money after bad by hosting grand convocation events purportedly to improve the environment of ethical behaviour while key players continue to have a degree of opaqueness surrounding their demeanour, both professional and personal.\nRestoring trust is an uphill battle, instilling good ethics is an even greater challenge.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-22T01:30:08.000Z","author":{"name":"Walter Sandosam"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","ethics","integrity","MACC","rhetoric"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/e57864a2-walter-sandosam-columnist-terpaling-latest-011025-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/e57864a2-walter-sandosam-columnist-terpaling-latest-011025-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/like-ronaldo-at-united-khairys-umno-return-brings-hope-and-risk","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/like-ronaldo-at-united-khairys-umno-return-brings-hope-and-risk","title":"Like Ronaldo at United, Khairy’s Umno return brings hope and risk","summary":"Neither Khairy Jamaluddin nor Umno can afford a bitter second parting, like the one that saw Cristiano Ronaldo walk away from Manchester United in 2022.","content_html":"
Khairy Jamaluddin has returned to the party that once sacked him.
\nBut will his comeback be triumphant, or will it mirror Cristiano Ronaldo’s ill-fated return to Manchester United?
\nAt first glance, the Malaysian politician and the global football icon may seem to be from two entirely different worlds. Yet, Khairy and Ronaldo’s stories share some striking similarities.
\nBoth are high-profile figures with massive followings whose every move is captured by the public eye and scrutinised.
\nWhile Khairy’s popularity may not rise to the levels of Ronaldo’s global stardom, his influence in Malaysia and Southeast Asia is undeniable.
\nJust as Ronaldo consistently made headlines on the football stage, Khairy has remained a central figure in the nation’s political landscape, both from within and outside the party and government.
\nThe parallels extend further. Both men have deep affection for United, with Khairy a self-professed die-hard fan.
\nMeanwhile, Ronaldo’s career was shaped at Old Trafford, where he won his first Ballon d’Or before moving on to greater heights. Despite this, his bond with the club was not merely nostalgic.
\n\nIn 2021, after stints at Real Madrid and Juventus, Ronaldo returned to United amid heated speculation he might join rivals Manchester City. His homecoming was celebrated with great fanfare, as though a prodigal son had returned.
\nBut the reunion soured. After a year or so, Ronaldo departed again, following a controversial interview with Piers Morgan and a clash with manager Erik ten Hag. What began with hope ended in bitterness.
\nKhairy’s political journey has unfolded in a similar fashion.
\nExpelled in 2023 from Umno for his outspoken criticism during GE15, he further provoked ire by flirting with rival parties, particularly Muhyiddin Yassin’s Bersatu. Yet, like Ronaldo’s enduring affection for United, Khairy repeatedly insisted that Umno was the party closest to his heart.
\nSo when president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi launched Umno’s “Rumah Bangsa” initiative to welcome back former members, Khairy was quick to apply.
\nLast Friday, the party’s Supreme Council re-admitted 6,252 members, including Hishammuddin Hussein and Syed Hamid Albar.
\nKhairy’s return was greeted with joy among the grassroots, mirroring Ronaldo’s own comeback to the Theatre of Dreams, although on a smaller scale.
\nWhat’s next?
\nAs for Khairy, the question now is how Umno will make use of him. Interestingly, he has not demanded any position, leaving Zahid and his leadership team free to decide how best to deploy Khairy’s talents.
\nDuring his time outside Umno, Khairy proved his continued relevance. As a radio presenter, he won awards and showcased strong communication skills—a rare commodity among politicians today.
\nThat would make him a stand-out candidate to be Umno’s information chief, a role crucial for reshaping public perception and engaging young, urban voters.
\nSpeculation also swirls about a possible Cabinet role, though the fact that he is not an elected Dewan Rakyat member complicates matters. A Senate appointment could be a possible pathway, but such a move might spark resentment among other leaders who may see it as “queue jumping.”
\nThe question of seats
\nEqually pressing is the issue of where Khairy will contest, with his move from Rembau to Sungai Buloh in GE15 fresh in the memory.
\nDespite the short notice, KJ pulled off something quite remarkable, significantly reducing his opponent’s majority—a feat that underscored his appeal.
\nWith his return to Umno, the question looms: which seat will he target?
\nKhairy himself has ruled out Kepala Batas, once held by his father-in-law, former prime minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, signalling a desire to succeed on his own merit.
\nHis profile suggests he is best suited for an urban constituency. Sungai Buloh could be a logical choice for a second attempt, while Putrajaya—high-profile and symbolic—has also been floated.
\nNegeri Sembilan remains an option, though Rembau is now firmly under deputy president Mohamad Hasan.
\nHigh-value ‘free agent’
\nKhairy’s return makes him a high-value “free agent” in Umno politics.
\nLike Ronaldo, his homecoming has been charged with hope, emotion and risk, but the last thing Umno would want is an episode similar to the footballer’s bitter farewell.
\nThe party clearly needs Khairy to bridge the gap with modern voters, improve its image, and revive its narrative. At the same time, Khairy needs Umno as his political platform.
\nBut nostalgia alone cannot guarantee success. Just as football demands more than sentiment, Umno and Khairy must ensure this reunion sparks genuine revival for a party once central to Malaysia’s governance.
\n\n
The writer is the editor of FMT’s Malay News Desk and an avid Manchester United fan.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Khairy Jamaluddin has returned to the party that once sacked him.\nBut will his comeback be triumphant, or will it mirror Cristiano Ronaldo’s ill-fated return to Manchester United?\nAt first glance, the Malaysian politician and the global football icon may seem to be from two entirely different worlds. Yet, Khairy and Ronaldo’s stories share some striking similarities.\nBoth are high-profile figures with massive followings whose every move is captured by the public eye and scrutinised.\nWhile Khairy’s popularity may not rise to the levels of Ronaldo’s global stardom, his influence in Malaysia and Southeast Asia is undeniable.\nJust as Ronaldo consistently made headlines on the football stage, Khairy has remained a central figure in the nation’s political landscape, both from within and outside the party and government.\nThe parallels extend further. Both men have deep affection for United, with Khairy a self-professed die-hard fan.\nMeanwhile, Ronaldo’s career was shaped at Old Trafford, where he won his first Ballon d’Or before moving on to greater heights. Despite this, his bond with the club was not merely nostalgic.\n\nIn 2021, after stints at Real Madrid and Juventus, Ronaldo returned to United amid heated speculation he might join rivals Manchester City. His homecoming was celebrated with great fanfare, as though a prodigal son had returned.\nBut the reunion soured. After a year or so, Ronaldo departed again, following a controversial interview with Piers Morgan and a clash with manager Erik ten Hag. What began with hope ended in bitterness.\nKhairy’s political journey has unfolded in a similar fashion.\nExpelled in 2023 from Umno for his outspoken criticism during GE15, he further provoked ire by flirting with rival parties, particularly Muhyiddin Yassin’s Bersatu. Yet, like Ronaldo’s enduring affection for United, Khairy repeatedly insisted that Umno was the party closest to his heart.\nSo when president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi launched Umno’s “Rumah Bangsa” initiative to welcome back former members, Khairy was quick to apply.\nLast Friday, the party’s Supreme Council re-admitted 6,252 members, including Hishammuddin Hussein and Syed Hamid Albar.\nKhairy’s return was greeted with joy among the grassroots, mirroring Ronaldo’s own comeback to the Theatre of Dreams, although on a smaller scale.\nWhat’s next?\nAs for Khairy, the question now is how Umno will make use of him. Interestingly, he has not demanded any position, leaving Zahid and his leadership team free to decide how best to deploy Khairy’s talents.\nDuring his time outside Umno, Khairy proved his continued relevance. As a radio presenter, he won awards and showcased strong communication skills—a rare commodity among politicians today.\nThat would make him a stand-out candidate to be Umno’s information chief, a role crucial for reshaping public perception and engaging young, urban voters.\nSpeculation also swirls about a possible Cabinet role, though the fact that he is not an elected Dewan Rakyat member complicates matters. A Senate appointment could be a possible pathway, but such a move might spark resentment among other leaders who may see it as “queue jumping.”\nThe question of seats\nEqually pressing is the issue of where Khairy will contest, with his move from Rembau to Sungai Buloh in GE15 fresh in the memory.\nDespite the short notice, KJ pulled off something quite remarkable, significantly reducing his opponent’s majority—a feat that underscored his appeal.\nWith his return to Umno, the question looms: which seat will he target?\nKhairy himself has ruled out Kepala Batas, once held by his father-in-law, former prime minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, signalling a desire to succeed on his own merit.\nHis profile suggests he is best suited for an urban constituency. Sungai Buloh could be a logical choice for a second attempt, while Putrajaya—high-profile and symbolic—has also been floated.\nNegeri Sembilan remains an option, though Rembau is now firmly under deputy president Mohamad Hasan.\nHigh-value ‘free agent’\nKhairy’s return makes him a high-value “free agent” in Umno politics.\nLike Ronaldo, his homecoming has been charged with hope, emotion and risk, but the last thing Umno would want is an episode similar to the footballer’s bitter farewell.\nThe party clearly needs Khairy to bridge the gap with modern voters, improve its image, and revive its narrative. At the same time, Khairy needs Umno as his political platform.\nBut nostalgia alone cannot guarantee success. Just as football demands more than sentiment, Umno and Khairy must ensure this reunion sparks genuine revival for a party once central to Malaysia’s governance.\n \nThe writer is the editor of FMT’s Malay News Desk and an avid Manchester United fan.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-22T00:00:52.000Z","author":{"name":"Amin Ishak"},"tags":["Highlight","Editorial","Opinion","Top Opinion","Amin Ishak","Christiano Ronaldo","elections","Khairy Jamaluddin","Politics","Rumah Bangsa","Umno"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/beware-of-price-gouging-amid-mideast-turmoil","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/22/beware-of-price-gouging-amid-mideast-turmoil","title":"Beware of price gouging amid Mideast turmoil","summary":"Beyond economics, price gouging is also a moral issue. Malaysians must be vigilant and reject exploitation to safeguard the interests of all consumers, especially the most vulnerable.","content_html":"
When global oil prices rise, prices across the board also start to rise but not all of these increases are warranted.
\nMany price hikes are opportunistic price gouging, where sellers increase prices substantially beyond the increase in their own costs. They take advantage of a “geopolitical crisis” to exploit consumers through money-grubbing profiteering.
\nIn Malaysia price controls and subsidies for petrol and diesel hold down cost pressures. By regulating the prices of essential fuels and offering financial support, the government helps to cushion the impact of global oil price fluctuations on consumers and businesses alike.
\nThese measures prevent sudden spikes in transportation and production costs, which would otherwise ripple through the economy and exacerbate inflation. The price of subsidised RON95 has not changed and eligible transport and logistics companies are still getting the same quota of subsidised diesel as before.
\n\nOf course some price adjustments are unavoidable, especially for imported goods unaffected by domestic fuel subsidies but this does not justify the claims of many businesses and business associations that all price hikes are unavoidable due to global instability and increased operational expenses.
\nThere is mounting evidence that businesses in some sectors are using the pretext of international uncertainty to justify price increases that are not warranted by the real economic data. In the latest inflation data for March, prices for personal care, social protection and miscellaneous goods and services rose 7%. Insurance and financial services prices rose 4.9%.
\nIt is not only consumers who suffer. Micro, small and medium-size enterprises (MSMEs) are also falling victim to price gouging by wholesalers and delivery firms, who are raising costs for small businesses and eroding already narrow profit margins.
\nThese MSMEs now face added pressures. Inflated costs imposed by upstream suppliers harm their competitiveness and threaten their very survival.
\nThis opportunism is particularly seen in logistics and haulage, where transportation costs are often inflated beyond fuel price adjustments. We see it in food outlets, where price hikes significantly outpace increases in ingredient or operating costs. In the latest inflation data for March, fuel prices rose by only 1.6% and food inflation actually fell compared to last year.
\nThe dangers posed by price gouging are multifaceted. First, unchecked price manipulation undermines public trust. Second, when prices rise without justification consumption and sales fall, potentially triggering an economic downturn.
\nThird, price gouging disproportionately harms the most vulnerable in society. For the poor, those on low wages and those living on fixed incomes, even modest increases in the prices of essential goods can result in severe hardship.
\nAddressing these challenges begins with transparency. The ministry of domestic trade and cost of living must use its authority to investigate and sanction those engaging in unfair pricing practices.
\nConsumer vigilance is much more effective. Smart consumers switch their buying away from businesses and outlets that engage in price gouging and instead favour those that maintain fair and low prices. This sends a strong signal to the market by rewarding ethical business practices and discouraging profiteering.
\nPublic awareness is vital. Consumers should be encouraged to report unjustified price increases and support businesses that demonstrate ethical conduct. Civil society and the media play a crucial role in highlighting malpractices and recognising responsible businesses, but social media is also effective.
\nCollective solidarity and sharing among smart Malaysian consumers are essential to highlight good businesses that are keeping prices low.
\nPosting on your favourite eatery or mom-and-pop store where prices are low also helps them to help you. Positive reinforcement of responsible business helps make sure price gouging is discouraged and called out.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"When global oil prices rise, prices across the board also start to rise but not all of these increases are warranted.\nMany price hikes are opportunistic price gouging, where sellers increase prices substantially beyond the increase in their own costs. They take advantage of a “geopolitical crisis” to exploit consumers through money-grubbing profiteering.\nIn Malaysia price controls and subsidies for petrol and diesel hold down cost pressures. By regulating the prices of essential fuels and offering financial support, the government helps to cushion the impact of global oil price fluctuations on consumers and businesses alike.\nThese measures prevent sudden spikes in transportation and production costs, which would otherwise ripple through the economy and exacerbate inflation. The price of subsidised RON95 has not changed and eligible transport and logistics companies are still getting the same quota of subsidised diesel as before.\n\nOf course some price adjustments are unavoidable, especially for imported goods unaffected by domestic fuel subsidies but this does not justify the claims of many businesses and business associations that all price hikes are unavoidable due to global instability and increased operational expenses.\nThere is mounting evidence that businesses in some sectors are using the pretext of international uncertainty to justify price increases that are not warranted by the real economic data. In the latest inflation data for March, prices for personal care, social protection and miscellaneous goods and services rose 7%. Insurance and financial services prices rose 4.9%.\nIt is not only consumers who suffer. Micro, small and medium-size enterprises (MSMEs) are also falling victim to price gouging by wholesalers and delivery firms, who are raising costs for small businesses and eroding already narrow profit margins.\nThese MSMEs now face added pressures. Inflated costs imposed by upstream suppliers harm their competitiveness and threaten their very survival.\nThis opportunism is particularly seen in logistics and haulage, where transportation costs are often inflated beyond fuel price adjustments. We see it in food outlets, where price hikes significantly outpace increases in ingredient or operating costs. In the latest inflation data for March, fuel prices rose by only 1.6% and food inflation actually fell compared to last year.\nThe dangers posed by price gouging are multifaceted. First, unchecked price manipulation undermines public trust. Second, when prices rise without justification consumption and sales fall, potentially triggering an economic downturn.\nThird, price gouging disproportionately harms the most vulnerable in society. For the poor, those on low wages and those living on fixed incomes, even modest increases in the prices of essential goods can result in severe hardship.\nAddressing these challenges begins with transparency. The ministry of domestic trade and cost of living must use its authority to investigate and sanction those engaging in unfair pricing practices.\nConsumer vigilance is much more effective. Smart consumers switch their buying away from businesses and outlets that engage in price gouging and instead favour those that maintain fair and low prices. This sends a strong signal to the market by rewarding ethical business practices and discouraging profiteering.\nPublic awareness is vital. Consumers should be encouraged to report unjustified price increases and support businesses that demonstrate ethical conduct. Civil society and the media play a crucial role in highlighting malpractices and recognising responsible businesses, but social media is also effective.\nCollective solidarity and sharing among smart Malaysian consumers are essential to highlight good businesses that are keeping prices low.\nPosting on your favourite eatery or mom-and-pop store where prices are low also helps them to help you. Positive reinforcement of responsible business helps make sure price gouging is discouraged and called out.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-21T23:00:57.000Z","author":{"name":"Geoffrey Williams"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","ethical","geopolitical crisis","inflation","logistics","price gouging","profiteering"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/f936b334-geoffrey-williams-columnist-010624-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/f936b334-geoffrey-williams-columnist-010624-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/fragile-truce-dictates-that-we-prepare-for-the-worst","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/fragile-truce-dictates-that-we-prepare-for-the-worst","title":"Fragile truce dictates that we prepare for the worst","summary":"If the ceasefire in West Asia collapses after tomorrow, the consequences will be dire.","content_html":"
The ceasefire in the Middle East, already fraying at its edges, offers little comfort to countries far removed geographically but deeply entangled economically.
\nAs things are, RM5 billion has already been allocated by the government to alleviate the impact on micro, small and medium enterprises.
\nAs a trading nation whose prosperity is tied to stable energy flows, the fragility of this ceasefire signals not relief, but a warning to Malaysia.
\nThis month, Japan announced an allocation of US$10 billion in economic aid for Asean. Nonetheless, should hostilities resume or intensify after tomorrow, the consequences will ripple across fuel prices, food systems, and industrial output.
\nMalaysia must therefore prepare — not react. And preparation, in this context, begins with energy conservation as a national discipline rather than a temporary inconvenience.
\n\nThe Strait of Hormuz remains the most critical chokepoint in the global energy system, carrying roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil supply. It affects 6% of the world’s total trade.
\nIn contrast, up to 24% of global trade passes through the Strait of Malacca, but the littoral states that share the waterway, such as Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia, remain peaceful.
\nFor now, all attention must focus on the Strait of Hormuz. Any renewed disruption — whether through direct conflict, insurance hikes on tankers, or selective blockades by Iran and the US — will immediately raise global energy prices.
\nMalaysia, despite being an energy producer, is not insulated. It is a net energy importer.
\nIts subsidy system, industrial base, and dependence on global supply chains mean that higher prices translate into fiscal strain and inflationary pressure. The subsidy given to RON95 has balloned to RM3 billion a month with another RM4 billion assigned for diesel.
\nThat’s RM84 billion a year, more than the budgets of the ministry of health (RM46.5 billion) or ministry of education (RM66.2 billion).
\nThe first and most immediate measure Malaysians must adopt is a cultural shift toward energy restraint.
\nAir-conditioning, long treated as a necessity in the tropical climate, must be recalibrated.
\nPublic buildings, offices, and commercial centres should standardise temperatures at no lower than 23 to 24 degrees Celsius. This is not symbolic.
\nCooling systems account for a substantial share of electricity consumption in Malaysia, and even marginal adjustments can yield significant national savings when aggregated.
\nEqually important is transportation discipline. Malaysians have long relied on private vehicles, but the current moment demands a pivot.
\nCarpooling, the expanded use of public transportation such as MRT, LRT, and buses, and even staggered work hours can collectively reduce fuel demand; beyond the call of the civil service to work from home.
\nThe government can reinforce this by extending programmes such as the My50 pass, incentivising commuters to shift away from individual car use.
\nWorkplace norms must evolve in tandem. Remote work, once a pandemic necessity, should now be institutionalised as part of energy conservation strategy.
\nReducing daily commute not only lowers fuel consumption but also alleviates congestion, which itself contributes to inefficient fuel usage.
\nCompanies that adopt hybrid work models are not merely enhancing productivity — they are contributing to national resilience.
\nIndustrial and commercial sectors must also shoulder responsibility.
\nEnergy-intensive industries, particularly in manufacturing and construction, should adopt time-of-use strategies, shifting operations to off-peak hours where possible.
\nSmart metering technologies can assist in monitoring and optimising consumption patterns.
\nThe private sector, often the largest consumer of electricity, must recognise that conservation is not a regulatory burden but a strategic necessity in a volatile global environment.
\nAt the household level, behavioural adjustments are equally critical.
\nSimple acts — turning off unused appliances, switching to energy-efficient lighting, moderating water heater usage — collectively matter. Malaysians must understand that conservation is cumulative.
\nA single household’s effort may appear negligible, but when multiplied across millions, the impact becomes transformative.
\nThe government, for its part, must communicate clearly and act decisively. This is a global crisis, and Malaysia must see it as nothing less than a crisis that will hit Malaysia badly over the next few years.
\nEnergy subsidies, while politically sensitive, cannot expand indefinitely without undermining fiscal stability.
\nA targeted approach that protects the most vulnerable while encouraging efficiency among higher-income groups is essential.
\nAt the same time, public awareness campaigns must be intensified, framing conservation not as sacrifice, but as patriotism in a time of uncertainty.
\nBeyond immediate measures, Malaysia must accelerate its transition toward alternative energy sources.
\nEqually important, Malaysians must learn how to stretch their ringgit to the maximum.
\nAs things are, Malaysia should take renewable energy (RE) seriously.
\nSolar power, in particular, offers immense potential given the country’s geographic advantages. Investments in grid modernisation, battery storage, and regional energy integration within Asean can reduce long-term vulnerability to external shocks.
\nThe current crisis should be seen not merely as a threat, but as a catalyst for structural transformation.
\nThe stakes extend beyond energy alone.
\nRising fuel costs will inevitably affect food production, fertiliser prices, and transportation logistics. Malaysia’s food security, already under pressure from global supply disruptions, could face additional strain.
\nConservation, therefore, is not just about electricity or petrol — it is about safeguarding the broader economic ecosystem upon which daily life depends.
\nThere is also a psychological dimension to this crisis.
\nMarkets react not only to actual disruptions but to expectations of instability. A fragile ceasefire, by its very nature, sustains and accentuates uncertainty.
\nIf Malaysians continue consumption patterns as though stability is assured, the eventual shock — should conflict resume — will be far more severe. Preparedness, in contrast, cushions both economic and social impact.
\nMalaysia has navigated crises before, from the Asian Financial Crisis to the Covid-19 pandemic. Each episode has demonstrated the importance of collective discipline and timely policy response. The current situation demands a similar resolve, albeit in a different domain.
\nEnergy conservation must become embedded in national consciousness, not as a temporary response, but as a long-term habit.
\nThe ceasefire may hold — or it may collapse. That uncertainty is precisely why Malaysia cannot afford complacency. Preparing for the worst is not pessimism; it is prudence.
\nIf April 22 passes quietly, the measures adopted will still strengthen Malaysia’s resilience. But if it does not, those same measures may well determine how effectively the nation weathers the storm.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"The ceasefire in the Middle East, already fraying at its edges, offers little comfort to countries far removed geographically but deeply entangled economically.\nAs things are, RM5 billion has already been allocated by the government to alleviate the impact on micro, small and medium enterprises.\nAs a trading nation whose prosperity is tied to stable energy flows, the fragility of this ceasefire signals not relief, but a warning to Malaysia.\nThis month, Japan announced an allocation of US$10 billion in economic aid for Asean. Nonetheless, should hostilities resume or intensify after tomorrow, the consequences will ripple across fuel prices, food systems, and industrial output.\nMalaysia must therefore prepare — not react. And preparation, in this context, begins with energy conservation as a national discipline rather than a temporary inconvenience.\n\nThe Strait of Hormuz remains the most critical chokepoint in the global energy system, carrying roughly one-fifth of the world’s oil supply. It affects 6% of the world’s total trade.\nIn contrast, up to 24% of global trade passes through the Strait of Malacca, but the littoral states that share the waterway, such as Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia, remain peaceful.\nFor now, all attention must focus on the Strait of Hormuz. Any renewed disruption — whether through direct conflict, insurance hikes on tankers, or selective blockades by Iran and the US — will immediately raise global energy prices.\nMalaysia, despite being an energy producer, is not insulated. It is a net energy importer.\nIts subsidy system, industrial base, and dependence on global supply chains mean that higher prices translate into fiscal strain and inflationary pressure. The subsidy given to RON95 has balloned to RM3 billion a month with another RM4 billion assigned for diesel.\nThat’s RM84 billion a year, more than the budgets of the ministry of health (RM46.5 billion) or ministry of education (RM66.2 billion).\nThe first and most immediate measure Malaysians must adopt is a cultural shift toward energy restraint.\nAir-conditioning, long treated as a necessity in the tropical climate, must be recalibrated.\nPublic buildings, offices, and commercial centres should standardise temperatures at no lower than 23 to 24 degrees Celsius. This is not symbolic.\nCooling systems account for a substantial share of electricity consumption in Malaysia, and even marginal adjustments can yield significant national savings when aggregated.\nEqually important is transportation discipline. Malaysians have long relied on private vehicles, but the current moment demands a pivot.\nCarpooling, the expanded use of public transportation such as MRT, LRT, and buses, and even staggered work hours can collectively reduce fuel demand; beyond the call of the civil service to work from home.\nThe government can reinforce this by extending programmes such as the My50 pass, incentivising commuters to shift away from individual car use.\nWorkplace norms must evolve in tandem. Remote work, once a pandemic necessity, should now be institutionalised as part of energy conservation strategy.\nReducing daily commute not only lowers fuel consumption but also alleviates congestion, which itself contributes to inefficient fuel usage.\nCompanies that adopt hybrid work models are not merely enhancing productivity — they are contributing to national resilience.\nIndustrial and commercial sectors must also shoulder responsibility.\nEnergy-intensive industries, particularly in manufacturing and construction, should adopt time-of-use strategies, shifting operations to off-peak hours where possible.\nSmart metering technologies can assist in monitoring and optimising consumption patterns.\nThe private sector, often the largest consumer of electricity, must recognise that conservation is not a regulatory burden but a strategic necessity in a volatile global environment.\nAt the household level, behavioural adjustments are equally critical.\nSimple acts — turning off unused appliances, switching to energy-efficient lighting, moderating water heater usage — collectively matter. Malaysians must understand that conservation is cumulative.\nA single household’s effort may appear negligible, but when multiplied across millions, the impact becomes transformative.\nThe government, for its part, must communicate clearly and act decisively. This is a global crisis, and Malaysia must see it as nothing less than a crisis that will hit Malaysia badly over the next few years.\nEnergy subsidies, while politically sensitive, cannot expand indefinitely without undermining fiscal stability.\nA targeted approach that protects the most vulnerable while encouraging efficiency among higher-income groups is essential.\nAt the same time, public awareness campaigns must be intensified, framing conservation not as sacrifice, but as patriotism in a time of uncertainty.\nBeyond immediate measures, Malaysia must accelerate its transition toward alternative energy sources.\nEqually important, Malaysians must learn how to stretch their ringgit to the maximum.\nAs things are, Malaysia should take renewable energy (RE) seriously.\nSolar power, in particular, offers immense potential given the country’s geographic advantages. Investments in grid modernisation, battery storage, and regional energy integration within Asean can reduce long-term vulnerability to external shocks.\nThe current crisis should be seen not merely as a threat, but as a catalyst for structural transformation.\nThe stakes extend beyond energy alone.\nRising fuel costs will inevitably affect food production, fertiliser prices, and transportation logistics. Malaysia’s food security, already under pressure from global supply disruptions, could face additional strain.\nConservation, therefore, is not just about electricity or petrol — it is about safeguarding the broader economic ecosystem upon which daily life depends.\nThere is also a psychological dimension to this crisis.\nMarkets react not only to actual disruptions but to expectations of instability. A fragile ceasefire, by its very nature, sustains and accentuates uncertainty.\nIf Malaysians continue consumption patterns as though stability is assured, the eventual shock — should conflict resume — will be far more severe. Preparedness, in contrast, cushions both economic and social impact.\nMalaysia has navigated crises before, from the Asian Financial Crisis to the Covid-19 pandemic. Each episode has demonstrated the importance of collective discipline and timely policy response. The current situation demands a similar resolve, albeit in a different domain.\nEnergy conservation must become embedded in national consciousness, not as a temporary response, but as a long-term habit.\nThe ceasefire may hold — or it may collapse. That uncertainty is precisely why Malaysia cannot afford complacency. Preparing for the worst is not pessimism; it is prudence.\nIf April 22 passes quietly, the measures adopted will still strengthen Malaysia’s resilience. But if it does not, those same measures may well determine how effectively the nation weathers the storm.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-21T03:25:48.000Z","author":{"name":"Phar Kim Beng"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","carpooling","ceasefire","energy restraint","energy subsidies","Hybrid work","My50 pass","RE","staggered work hours","Strait of Hormuz","transportation discipline"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/191095dc-phar-kim-beng-columnist-eng-latest-040326-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/191095dc-phar-kim-beng-columnist-eng-latest-040326-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/takut-buku-atau-nak-kawal-naratif","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/takut-buku-atau-nak-kawal-naratif","title":"Takut buku atau nak kawal naratif?","summary":"Apabila kita takut kepada idea, kita seakan mengesahkan yang kita tidak yakin dengan kemampuan masyarakat untuk berfikir.","content_html":"
Setiap kali timbul isu pengharaman buku, pasti reaksinya akan jadi terbelah dua. Ada yang menyokong atas alasan menjaga sensitiviti dan ada membantahnya atas nama meraikan perbezaan idea. Perdebatan tentang ini akan terus berulang. Timbullah hujah pengharaman ‘atas nama menjaga keamanan’ dan bantahan pengharaman pula mengemukakan alasan harus ‘lawan hujah dengan hujah, bukan membungkamkannya’. Persoalan paling senanglah untuk saya tanya, mengapa kita begitu takut kepada buku?
\nBaru-baru ini Kementerian Dalam Negeri (KDN) mempertahankan tindakan mengharamkan dua buku terbitan Strategic Information and Research Development Centre (SIRD) berkaitan sejarah PKM, antaranya ialah ‘Memoir Shamsiah Fakeh: Dari Awas ke Rejimen ke-10’, sebuah buku yang sudah berada di pasaran sejak 22 tahun lalu dan ‘Komrad ASI (Rejimen 10): Dalam Denyut Nihilisme Sejarah’ yang telah pun diterbitkan pada 2022. KDN berpendapat penilaian keselamatan dilakukan berdasarkan landskap politik semasa dan bukan tarikh sesuatu naskhah itu diterbitkan.
\nBiasalah, kontroversi ini hanyalah satu episod daripada sejarah pengharaman beberapa bahan bacaan di negara ini. Sebelum ini, ada sahaja beberapa karya lain turut melalui nasib serupa. Biasanya buku-buku politik, agama dan penganjuran ideologi yang tak ‘selari’ dengan nada kerajaan akan diharamkan. Itu adalah tindakan paling pantas dilakukan sebelum tindakan seterusnya dibuat sama ada kekal haram atau melepaskannya semula. Yang tak pernah nampak atau baca buku tersebut pun akan menyokong tindakan pengharaman tersebut. Begitu juga yang membantah, ada yang tak menelaahnya pun. Ikut-ikut.
\nTapi itu cerita lain. Yang membengangkan, saya fikir ia dihukum berdasarkan persepsi, bukan analisis. Pengharaman dianggap sebagai satu tindakan berbentuk perlindungan iaitu untuk menyelamatkan masyarakat daripada ideologi berbahaya. Tetapi apakah perlindungan maksudnya membataskan pemikiran rakyat? Apakah badan berautoriti beranggapan rakyat begitu rapuh sehingga tidak mampu berdepan pandangan berbeza? Atau pemikiran ‘mereka’ di badan tersebut sebenarnya yang paranoid?
\nKita harus sedar tahap pendidikan generasi terdiri daripada usia 30 hingga 50 tahun hari ini kebanyakannya lepasan institut pengajian tinggi dan sudah pastilah ‘biasa’ dengan buku-buku. Maka itu, dalam masyarakat yang bergelar graduan, buku sudah difahami sebagai bahan untuk bertukar idea. Masyarakat yang matang akan lebih maklum bahawa tidak semua idea perlu dipersetujui, tetapi semua idea wajar diberi ruang untuk dinilai. Di situlah kunci untuk negara ini melahirkan masyarakat intelektual, di mana mereka mampu menilai dan menapis berbagai idea mengikut kebestarian mereka.
\nTapi nampaknya ‘kita’ lebih cenderung untuk mengawal naratif daripada membina kefahaman. ‘Kita’ mahu menentukan apa yang boleh dibaca dan apa yang boleh difikirkan dalam satu hala sahaja iaitu mengikut hala tuju ‘kita’. ‘Kita’ bimbang idea-idea lain akan menggugat kestabilan negara (baca: kita). Sebuah kebimbangan yang bagi saya tidak berasas.
\nSejarah menunjukkan ketakutan terhadap idea tidak semestinya berasas. Dr Mahathir Mohamad menulis buku ‘The Malay Dilemma’, sebuah analisis tentang kedudukan ekonomi orang Melayu pasca penjajahan. Buku itu diharamkan oleh perdana menteri pertama kerana sudah pastilah beliau tidak menyenangi kandungan buku tersebut yang mengkritik keras kepimpinannya.
\nNamun, beberapa tahun kemudian, idea-idea dibentangkan di dalamnya dikatakan turut mempengaruhi pemikiran dasar negara, termasuk dalam pembentukan Dasar Ekonomi Baru oleh perdana menteri kedua. Ini jelas menunjukkan, apa yang pada satu ketika dianggap ‘berbahaya’, akhirnya menjadi rujukan.
\nContoh lain dapat dilihat dalam kes karya penulis Faisal Tehrani. Tujuh buku karyanya yang diharamkan kerajaan terdahulu ialah ‘Sebongkah Batu di Kuala Berang’, ‘Karbala’, ‘Tiga Kali Seminggu’, ‘Ingin Jadi Nasrallah’, ‘Perempuan Nan Bercinta’, ‘Sinema Spiritual: Dramaturgi’ dan termasuklah koleksi esei ‘Aku_, Maka Aku Ada!’
\nFaisal sering dikaitkan dengan dakwaan membawa pengaruh tertentu (lebih tepat: Syiah) dalam pemikiran Islam. Sekali lagi, apabila sesuatu idea dilihat berpotensi mencabar arus perdana, responsnya adalah larangan. Bagaimanapun, Mahkamah Rayuan telah mengetepikan perintah pengharaman KDN ke atas empat buku tulisan Faisal kerana melanggar hak kebebasan bersuara beliau sebagai penulis.
\nApabila kita takut kepada idea, kita seakan mengesahkan yang kita tidak yakin dengan kemampuan masyarakat untuk berfikir. Dan, perangai ini berkait-kait di dalam bidang lain. Lihat juga kenyataan ketua setiausaha negara baru-baru ini tentang dasar bekerja dari rumah (BDR) iaitu BDR bukan ‘baring duduk rehat’ atau ‘beli-belah di pasar raya’. Ia berbentuk pesimis seolah-olah semua kakitangan awam dipukul rata begitulah perangainya. Jika beliau menambah lagi menggunakan BDR sebagai slogan optimis seperti ‘bekerja dengan rajin’ atau ‘bina disiplin rutin’ bukankah lebih baik?
\nBerbalik kepada isu pengharaman idea melalui medium buku, kita kini hidup dalam era di mana maklumat mengalir tanpa sempadan. Apa yang diharamkan di satu tempat boleh diakses dengan mudah di tempat lain. Dan seperti sering berlaku, apa dilarang itulah yang menjadi lebih menarik untuk dicari.
\nIdea-idea berbahaya dan pecah-belah saya lihat hari ini lebih banyak dalam bentuk video di media sosial. Setiap hari ada ucapan, hantaran oleh ahli politik sendiri, aktivis malah agamawan yang jelas mencampakkan idea provokasi dan sensitif mereka di sana. Dan mereka tidak langsung menasihatkan pengikut agar bertenang dan pertimbangkan idea mereka dengan baik. Idea-idea mereka bebas liar bergentayang di layar maya sepertimana mereka yang masih terus bebas bercakap. Tak pasal-pasal, buku yang kaku pula dipenjarakan. Adakah kita benar-benar risau tentang kesan buku atau kita sebenarnya lebih selesa mengawal sesuatu yang mudah dikawal?
\nBuku boleh diharamkan dan ia akan duduk terperap di situ tetapi bagaimana dengan ucapan, kata-kata, hasutan di media sosial? Jika kita benar-benar percaya bahawa rakyat boleh menerima pandangan dan idea-idea lain dalam bentuk tersebut, mengapa menerima maklumat daripada buku tak boleh?
\nMengharamkan buku mungkin memberikan kelegaan sementara. Ia memberi gambaran bahawa sesuatu telah diselesaikan. Tetapi dalam jangka panjang, ia tidak menyentuh akar masalah iaitu ketidakupayaan kita untuk berdepan dengan perbezaan. Selagi kita tidak selesa dengan idea yang mencabar, selagi itulah kita akan statik tak bergerak.
\nPerlu juga ditegaskan bahawa mempertahankan perbezaan idea tidak bermaksud kita menerima semua perkara tanpa batas. Sebagai masyarakat berilmu sudah tentulah kita mampu memiliki garis panduan dan nilai tersendiri. Nilai itulah yang mampu membezakan antara idea yang boleh diikut, idea yang mampu dicabar dengan hujah, dan idea yang perlu ditolak.
\nBagi saya, isu pengharaman buku ini bukan sekadar tentang tajuk buku, penulis, idea dan penerbit. Ia adalah cerminan hati nurani (conscience) rakyat. Kerajaan harus bersedia mencerdikkan lagi rakyat dalam ‘pendidikan luar silibus’ agar rakyat pandai menilai persaingan idea yang terbuka dan bukannya dimomokkan dengan hidup selesa dalam ruang dikawal. Lebih penting mendidik rakyat untuk berani memahami kerana dalam langit yang semakin terbuka ini ketidakfahaman itulah yang paling berbahaya. Kerana bagi saya, masyarakat yang ditakutkan dengan idea-idea lain itulah yang bukan sahaja mudah dipengaruhi tetapi juga mudah dikawal akal fikirannya daripada terdedah dengan pelbagai alternatif dan naratif. Kita harus keluar daripada penjajahan minda sebegini!
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Setiap kali timbul isu pengharaman buku, pasti reaksinya akan jadi terbelah dua. Ada yang menyokong atas alasan menjaga sensitiviti dan ada membantahnya atas nama meraikan perbezaan idea. Perdebatan tentang ini akan terus berulang. Timbullah hujah pengharaman 'atas nama menjaga keamanan' dan bantahan pengharaman pula mengemukakan alasan harus 'lawan hujah dengan hujah, bukan membungkamkannya'. Persoalan paling senanglah untuk saya tanya, mengapa kita begitu takut kepada buku?\nBaru-baru ini Kementerian Dalam Negeri (KDN) mempertahankan tindakan mengharamkan dua buku terbitan Strategic Information and Research Development Centre (SIRD) berkaitan sejarah PKM, antaranya ialah 'Memoir Shamsiah Fakeh: Dari Awas ke Rejimen ke-10', sebuah buku yang sudah berada di pasaran sejak 22 tahun lalu dan 'Komrad ASI (Rejimen 10): Dalam Denyut Nihilisme Sejarah' yang telah pun diterbitkan pada 2022. KDN berpendapat penilaian keselamatan dilakukan berdasarkan landskap politik semasa dan bukan tarikh sesuatu naskhah itu diterbitkan.\nBiasalah, kontroversi ini hanyalah satu episod daripada sejarah pengharaman beberapa bahan bacaan di negara ini. Sebelum ini, ada sahaja beberapa karya lain turut melalui nasib serupa. Biasanya buku-buku politik, agama dan penganjuran ideologi yang tak 'selari' dengan nada kerajaan akan diharamkan. Itu adalah tindakan paling pantas dilakukan sebelum tindakan seterusnya dibuat sama ada kekal haram atau melepaskannya semula. Yang tak pernah nampak atau baca buku tersebut pun akan menyokong tindakan pengharaman tersebut. Begitu juga yang membantah, ada yang tak menelaahnya pun. Ikut-ikut.\nTapi itu cerita lain. Yang membengangkan, saya fikir ia dihukum berdasarkan persepsi, bukan analisis. Pengharaman dianggap sebagai satu tindakan berbentuk perlindungan iaitu untuk menyelamatkan masyarakat daripada ideologi berbahaya. Tetapi apakah perlindungan maksudnya membataskan pemikiran rakyat? Apakah badan berautoriti beranggapan rakyat begitu rapuh sehingga tidak mampu berdepan pandangan berbeza? Atau pemikiran 'mereka' di badan tersebut sebenarnya yang paranoid?\nKita harus sedar tahap pendidikan generasi terdiri daripada usia 30 hingga 50 tahun hari ini kebanyakannya lepasan institut pengajian tinggi dan sudah pastilah 'biasa' dengan buku-buku. Maka itu, dalam masyarakat yang bergelar graduan, buku sudah difahami sebagai bahan untuk bertukar idea. Masyarakat yang matang akan lebih maklum bahawa tidak semua idea perlu dipersetujui, tetapi semua idea wajar diberi ruang untuk dinilai. Di situlah kunci untuk negara ini melahirkan masyarakat intelektual, di mana mereka mampu menilai dan menapis berbagai idea mengikut kebestarian mereka.\nTapi nampaknya 'kita' lebih cenderung untuk mengawal naratif daripada membina kefahaman. 'Kita' mahu menentukan apa yang boleh dibaca dan apa yang boleh difikirkan dalam satu hala sahaja iaitu mengikut hala tuju 'kita'. 'Kita' bimbang idea-idea lain akan menggugat kestabilan negara (baca: kita). Sebuah kebimbangan yang bagi saya tidak berasas.\nSejarah menunjukkan ketakutan terhadap idea tidak semestinya berasas. Dr Mahathir Mohamad menulis buku 'The Malay Dilemma', sebuah analisis tentang kedudukan ekonomi orang Melayu pasca penjajahan. Buku itu diharamkan oleh perdana menteri pertama kerana sudah pastilah beliau tidak menyenangi kandungan buku tersebut yang mengkritik keras kepimpinannya.\nNamun, beberapa tahun kemudian, idea-idea dibentangkan di dalamnya dikatakan turut mempengaruhi pemikiran dasar negara, termasuk dalam pembentukan Dasar Ekonomi Baru oleh perdana menteri kedua. Ini jelas menunjukkan, apa yang pada satu ketika dianggap 'berbahaya', akhirnya menjadi rujukan.\nContoh lain dapat dilihat dalam kes karya penulis Faisal Tehrani. Tujuh buku karyanya yang diharamkan kerajaan terdahulu ialah 'Sebongkah Batu di Kuala Berang', 'Karbala', 'Tiga Kali Seminggu', 'Ingin Jadi Nasrallah', 'Perempuan Nan Bercinta', 'Sinema Spiritual: Dramaturgi' dan termasuklah koleksi esei 'Aku_, Maka Aku Ada!'\nFaisal sering dikaitkan dengan dakwaan membawa pengaruh tertentu (lebih tepat: Syiah) dalam pemikiran Islam. Sekali lagi, apabila sesuatu idea dilihat berpotensi mencabar arus perdana, responsnya adalah larangan. Bagaimanapun, Mahkamah Rayuan telah mengetepikan perintah pengharaman KDN ke atas empat buku tulisan Faisal kerana melanggar hak kebebasan bersuara beliau sebagai penulis.\nApabila kita takut kepada idea, kita seakan mengesahkan yang kita tidak yakin dengan kemampuan masyarakat untuk berfikir. Dan, perangai ini berkait-kait di dalam bidang lain. Lihat juga kenyataan ketua setiausaha negara baru-baru ini tentang dasar bekerja dari rumah (BDR) iaitu BDR bukan 'baring duduk rehat' atau 'beli-belah di pasar raya'. Ia berbentuk pesimis seolah-olah semua kakitangan awam dipukul rata begitulah perangainya. Jika beliau menambah lagi menggunakan BDR sebagai slogan optimis seperti 'bekerja dengan rajin' atau 'bina disiplin rutin' bukankah lebih baik?\nBerbalik kepada isu pengharaman idea melalui medium buku, kita kini hidup dalam era di mana maklumat mengalir tanpa sempadan. Apa yang diharamkan di satu tempat boleh diakses dengan mudah di tempat lain. Dan seperti sering berlaku, apa dilarang itulah yang menjadi lebih menarik untuk dicari.\nIdea-idea berbahaya dan pecah-belah saya lihat hari ini lebih banyak dalam bentuk video di media sosial. Setiap hari ada ucapan, hantaran oleh ahli politik sendiri, aktivis malah agamawan yang jelas mencampakkan idea provokasi dan sensitif mereka di sana. Dan mereka tidak langsung menasihatkan pengikut agar bertenang dan pertimbangkan idea mereka dengan baik. Idea-idea mereka bebas liar bergentayang di layar maya sepertimana mereka yang masih terus bebas bercakap. Tak pasal-pasal, buku yang kaku pula dipenjarakan. Adakah kita benar-benar risau tentang kesan buku atau kita sebenarnya lebih selesa mengawal sesuatu yang mudah dikawal?\nBuku boleh diharamkan dan ia akan duduk terperap di situ tetapi bagaimana dengan ucapan, kata-kata, hasutan di media sosial? Jika kita benar-benar percaya bahawa rakyat boleh menerima pandangan dan idea-idea lain dalam bentuk tersebut, mengapa menerima maklumat daripada buku tak boleh?\nMengharamkan buku mungkin memberikan kelegaan sementara. Ia memberi gambaran bahawa sesuatu telah diselesaikan. Tetapi dalam jangka panjang, ia tidak menyentuh akar masalah iaitu ketidakupayaan kita untuk berdepan dengan perbezaan. Selagi kita tidak selesa dengan idea yang mencabar, selagi itulah kita akan statik tak bergerak.\nPerlu juga ditegaskan bahawa mempertahankan perbezaan idea tidak bermaksud kita menerima semua perkara tanpa batas. Sebagai masyarakat berilmu sudah tentulah kita mampu memiliki garis panduan dan nilai tersendiri. Nilai itulah yang mampu membezakan antara idea yang boleh diikut, idea yang mampu dicabar dengan hujah, dan idea yang perlu ditolak.\nBagi saya, isu pengharaman buku ini bukan sekadar tentang tajuk buku, penulis, idea dan penerbit. Ia adalah cerminan hati nurani (conscience) rakyat. Kerajaan harus bersedia mencerdikkan lagi rakyat dalam 'pendidikan luar silibus' agar rakyat pandai menilai persaingan idea yang terbuka dan bukannya dimomokkan dengan hidup selesa dalam ruang dikawal. Lebih penting mendidik rakyat untuk berani memahami kerana dalam langit yang semakin terbuka ini ketidakfahaman itulah yang paling berbahaya. Kerana bagi saya, masyarakat yang ditakutkan dengan idea-idea lain itulah yang bukan sahaja mudah dipengaruhi tetapi juga mudah dikawal akal fikirannya daripada terdedah dengan pelbagai alternatif dan naratif. Kita harus keluar daripada penjajahan minda sebegini!\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-21T01:30:57.000Z","author":{"name":"Ronasina"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","buku","Haram","Idea","KDN","naratif","takut"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/ffcf692a-ronasina-columnist-bm-new-200524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/ffcf692a-ronasina-columnist-bm-new-200524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/semuanya-tak-semanis-harumanis","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/semuanya-tak-semanis-harumanis","title":"Semuanya tak semanis harumanis","summary":"Ada dua musim serentak di Perlis sekarang, kata penganalisis.","content_html":"
Betullah Menteri Besar Abu Bakar Hamzah sudah beri jaminan sidang DUN Perlis akan diadakan sebelum 8 Jun ini. Kata Abu Bakar untuk memastikan kerajaan negeri memperincikan persediaan pentadbiran agar persidangan dapat dilaksanakan dengan lebih teratur.
\nSelama ini tak teratur ke? Dikatakan perlu diperincikan memandangkan Abu Bakar baharu memegang jawatan menteri besar selepas angkat sumpah jawatan pada 28 Dis tahun lalu. OK saya terima alasan diberi.
\nSidang DUN sepatutnya berlangsung dari hari ini (21 April) hingga Khamis ini (23 April) namun apabila surat pemakluman penangguhan dikeluarkan Jumaat lalu pelbagai spekulasi tercetus. Beberapa penganalisis tampil dengan pendapat masing-masing. Antaranya Sivamurugan Pandian yang dipetik Bernama berkata dalam politik apabila sidang DUN ditangguh tanpa justifikasi jelas ia mudah ditafsirkan sebagai tanda ketidakstabilan atau kegoyahan pentadbiran.
\nLagi-lagi Abu Bakar daripada Bersatu diangkat sebagai menteri besar berikutan krisis politik akhir tahun lalu at the expense of Shukri Ramli daripada PAS. Tidak perlu saya ulangi apa yang berlaku, cukup sekadar menyimpulkan Abu Bakar bersama tiga ADUN PAS antara yang menarik balik sokongan ke atas Shukri, memaksa beliau melepaskan jawatan menteri besar.
\nSejak itu hubungan PAS dengan Bersatu dikatakan tidak semanis harumanis yang terkenal di Perlis. Persoalan sekarang macam mana hubungan muktahir PAS-Bersatu?
\nLantas apabila sidang DUN ditangguhkan, Sivamurugan kata apa yang beliau kata yang disebut tadi. Kata beliau lagi, “jika PAS atau mana-mana pihak dilihat mempunyai kekuatan membawa usul sedemikian (yakni usul tidak percaya) maka persepsi bahawa menteri besar bimbang kehilangan sokongan pasti timbul.”
\nSivamurugan was being diplomatic, I would say. Jelas tidak ada ‘mana-mana pihak’ seperti disebut beliau tadi. Dalam konteks permainan ini the players are only PAS and Bersatu with PAS being the big player.
\nOleh itu penyertaan Abu Bakar pada program ‘Konvoi bersama 4 MB’ 4 April lalu di Terengganu pada hemat saya tidak membawa makna kerana sebelum ini pemerhati politik melihat kehadiran beliau bersama tiga menteri besar PAS membuktikan PAS mahu lupakan krisis Perlis.
\nJadi bolehkah dikata PAS masih ingat atau tidak mahu lupa krisis Perlis Disember lalu? Persoalan penting yang dilontar ketua penyelidik llham Centre Yusri Ibrahim ialah apa arahan PAS Pusat kepada PAS Perlis? Bagaimana Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar selaku pengerusi baharu Perikatan Nasional akan mengendalikan isu ini, atau ‘krisis’ jika itu istilah lebih tepat digunakan untuk menggambarkan situasi di Perlis.
\nKata Yusri, “melihat kepada riak nampaknya risiko bergelombang di Perlis. Jika gagal ditenangkan PRN awal bakal jadi salah satu pilihan di Perlis.”
\nPerlu dinyatakan pendapat Yusri itu disuarakan di Facebook beberapa hari lalu iaitu sebelum MB Perlis memberi jaminan sidang DUN akan diadakan sebelum 8 Jun. Tak tahu saya sama ada jaminan itu boleh dianggap menenangkan keadaan.
\nPerlis negeri kecil. DUN ada hanya 15 kawasan. PAS dominan dengan enam ADUN dan seorang speaker. Bersatu ada lima ADUN manakala Pakatan Harapan seorang. Meskipun kecil, kata Yusri, perkembangan terbaru di Perlis akan memberi banyak petunjuk politik nasional.
\nBagi Abu Bakar tidak timbul isu kelemahan kepimpinan atau usaha mengelak tekanan politik menerusi penangguhan sidang DUN. “Bagi saya dalam politik kami tidak pernah kenal erti takut,” kata beliau dengan berani.
\nSaya percaya beliau tahu tiada gunanya rasa takut kerana apa yang bimbang berlaku akan berlaku juga sama ada sidang DUN diadakan hari ini esok atau lusa, jika benar PAS mahu melakukannya.
\nKata Yusri, “ada dua musim serentak di Perlis sekarang. Harum manis mangga, masam manis politik mencatur kuasa.”
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Betullah Menteri Besar Abu Bakar Hamzah sudah beri jaminan sidang DUN Perlis akan diadakan sebelum 8 Jun ini. Kata Abu Bakar untuk memastikan kerajaan negeri memperincikan persediaan pentadbiran agar persidangan dapat dilaksanakan dengan lebih teratur.\nSelama ini tak teratur ke? Dikatakan perlu diperincikan memandangkan Abu Bakar baharu memegang jawatan menteri besar selepas angkat sumpah jawatan pada 28 Dis tahun lalu. OK saya terima alasan diberi.\nSidang DUN sepatutnya berlangsung dari hari ini (21 April) hingga Khamis ini (23 April) namun apabila surat pemakluman penangguhan dikeluarkan Jumaat lalu pelbagai spekulasi tercetus. Beberapa penganalisis tampil dengan pendapat masing-masing. Antaranya Sivamurugan Pandian yang dipetik Bernama berkata dalam politik apabila sidang DUN ditangguh tanpa justifikasi jelas ia mudah ditafsirkan sebagai tanda ketidakstabilan atau kegoyahan pentadbiran.\nLagi-lagi Abu Bakar daripada Bersatu diangkat sebagai menteri besar berikutan krisis politik akhir tahun lalu at the expense of Shukri Ramli daripada PAS. Tidak perlu saya ulangi apa yang berlaku, cukup sekadar menyimpulkan Abu Bakar bersama tiga ADUN PAS antara yang menarik balik sokongan ke atas Shukri, memaksa beliau melepaskan jawatan menteri besar.\nSejak itu hubungan PAS dengan Bersatu dikatakan tidak semanis harumanis yang terkenal di Perlis. Persoalan sekarang macam mana hubungan muktahir PAS-Bersatu?\nLantas apabila sidang DUN ditangguhkan, Sivamurugan kata apa yang beliau kata yang disebut tadi. Kata beliau lagi, \"jika PAS atau mana-mana pihak dilihat mempunyai kekuatan membawa usul sedemikian (yakni usul tidak percaya) maka persepsi bahawa menteri besar bimbang kehilangan sokongan pasti timbul.\"\nSivamurugan was being diplomatic, I would say. Jelas tidak ada 'mana-mana pihak' seperti disebut beliau tadi. Dalam konteks permainan ini the players are only PAS and Bersatu with PAS being the big player.\nOleh itu penyertaan Abu Bakar pada program 'Konvoi bersama 4 MB' 4 April lalu di Terengganu pada hemat saya tidak membawa makna kerana sebelum ini pemerhati politik melihat kehadiran beliau bersama tiga menteri besar PAS membuktikan PAS mahu lupakan krisis Perlis.\nJadi bolehkah dikata PAS masih ingat atau tidak mahu lupa krisis Perlis Disember lalu? Persoalan penting yang dilontar ketua penyelidik llham Centre Yusri Ibrahim ialah apa arahan PAS Pusat kepada PAS Perlis? Bagaimana Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar selaku pengerusi baharu Perikatan Nasional akan mengendalikan isu ini, atau 'krisis' jika itu istilah lebih tepat digunakan untuk menggambarkan situasi di Perlis.\nKata Yusri, \"melihat kepada riak nampaknya risiko bergelombang di Perlis. Jika gagal ditenangkan PRN awal bakal jadi salah satu pilihan di Perlis.\"\nPerlu dinyatakan pendapat Yusri itu disuarakan di Facebook beberapa hari lalu iaitu sebelum MB Perlis memberi jaminan sidang DUN akan diadakan sebelum 8 Jun. Tak tahu saya sama ada jaminan itu boleh dianggap menenangkan keadaan.\nPerlis negeri kecil. DUN ada hanya 15 kawasan. PAS dominan dengan enam ADUN dan seorang speaker. Bersatu ada lima ADUN manakala Pakatan Harapan seorang. Meskipun kecil, kata Yusri, perkembangan terbaru di Perlis akan memberi banyak petunjuk politik nasional.\nBagi Abu Bakar tidak timbul isu kelemahan kepimpinan atau usaha mengelak tekanan politik menerusi penangguhan sidang DUN. \"Bagi saya dalam politik kami tidak pernah kenal erti takut,\" kata beliau dengan berani.\nSaya percaya beliau tahu tiada gunanya rasa takut kerana apa yang bimbang berlaku akan berlaku juga sama ada sidang DUN diadakan hari ini esok atau lusa, jika benar PAS mahu melakukannya.\nKata Yusri, \"ada dua musim serentak di Perlis sekarang. Harum manis mangga, masam manis politik mencatur kuasa.\"\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-20T23:30:51.000Z","author":{"name":"Mohsin Abdullah"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","menteri besar abu bakar","mohsin abdullah","PAS","Perlis","PRN"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/a-moment-of-wonder-amidst-the-worlds-craziness","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/21/a-moment-of-wonder-amidst-the-worlds-craziness","title":"A moment of wonder amidst the world’s craziness","summary":"The current focus on exciting space programmes comes in the face of a US retreat from scientific leadership, which is being picked up by China as it makes progress by leaps and bounds.","content_html":"
When the world goes crazy, it’s useful to be distracted by something beyond this world, such as outer space or the moon or the various parts in between.
\nThe recently-concluded mission to the moon by Nasa’s Artemis 2 crew is one such distraction. If you’re a space nerd like me, this voyage was very cool.
\nThe shenanigans of Elon Musk or Jeff Bezos or Richard Branson in trying to colonise space or the moon or Mars don’t really excite me, it is the exploits of nations going into space to pursue national ambitions that do.
\nNations certainly have their own selfish agenda – militarising space, territorial claims of planets and asteroids etc – but they also have many other peaceful goals that make human existence more interesting.
\nAfter humans first landed on the moon in 1969 with the Apollo 11 mission, moon landings became less glamourous and instead, we saw more routine and less exciting low-orbit and long-term missions such as Skylab, the International Space Station and the iconic (and on two occasions tragic) Space Shuttles.
\nThere’s now a renewed push to land humans back on the moon and even go further, driven by pretty much the same nationalistic and extractive mindset that spurred the adventures and conquests to colonise foreign lands in the past few centuries.
\nThe latest Artemis flight is a test-run of the moon landing planned for the Artemis 4 mission in 2028. China, whose space programme has made progress by leaps and bounds, also plans a landing within the next few years.
\nThe composition of the Artemis 2 crew (white, black, female and foreign) came as a bit of surprise. It appears DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) isn’t dead in the US yet! But this crew was selected years ago. It’s a safe bet that the US mission that lands on the moon will have an all-white, all-male and all-American crew!
\nDomestic US politics aside, the Artemis programme has a huge international flavour in it, with big contributions from Canada, Europe and Japan. Manned space missions are hugely expensive, it has become the norm to share costs and risks. But that also means sharing the glory.
\nFuture US programmes such as possible missions to Mars and the asteroids may have a more US-only and private capital character.
\nUnfortunately, the current focus on exciting and glamourous space programmes hides the fact that Nasa, along with many other US scientific institutions, have cut down funds on other critical, if politically less palatable, scientific research such as on climate change.
\nWe can only hope the EU and especially China will pick up the slack.
\n![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/393d493a-earth-bumi-nasapic-190426.webp\")
Regardless of where you stand on this matter, you’d agree that some of the most memorable results from Artemis 2 are the photographs captured by the crew.
\nThere’s one of the full globe of Earth: if you look carefully, you’ll notice the orange of the Sahara in northern Africa, oriented in a way which isn’t familiar, very unlike how we see it on a typical map on Earth.
\nThe maps of the Earth that are familiar to us are the result of centuries of western map-making and human convention where the Arctic (and Europe) is always on top and the Antarctic is at the bottom.
\nIn space there’s no up or down, left or right. The view captured by Artemis shows the globe still lit, even though it is nighttime, with the image brightened by extended camera exposure. You can even see the auroras at the poles and the super-thin atmosphere that supports all life on Earth.
\nWe can only marvel, if not actually worry, about the fragility of our existence within that thin band on the face of the earth.
\nAnother photo is what’s called the “Earthset” photo where the Earth appears as a white-and-blue crescent over the edge of the lunar surface. This reminds us of the famous “Earthrise” photo taken in 1968 from behind the moon, possibly one of the most famous photographs ever taken, credited with starting the modern environmental movement.
\nGiven the dire state of our environment today, it would be a blessing if the new “earth rise” photo resuscitates and reinvigorates that movement again.
\nThe world today is a far cry from the world of the 60s, when there was a lot more faith in society’s institutions, whether political or educational or scientific ones.
\nToday, belief in science has fallen, with a substantial minority of people especially in the US not even accepting that humans landed on the moon or even that Earth is a globe – even as more people seem to believe in aliens and spacecraft visiting the planet.
\nThat’s where China today is different. Its still a young country politically even if it’s an old civilisation, but one still excited and optimistic that knowledge and science and technology can still be harnessed for humanity’s progress and not just to enrich a small handful of billionaires.
\nToday it is the US that appears as the old and tired civilisation, more interested in accumulating wealth and power for the few at the expense of the many both within as well as outside of its borders.
\nAnything that doesn’t immediately advance this goal is discarded or even demonised.
\nMuch of the slack caused by the US retreat from scientific leadership is being picked up by China, which has made tremendous progress in science, nation-building and its own space programmes; while certainly driven by many military and one-upmanship goals, they are also driven by the desire to peer further into the world and the universe we live in.
\nLet us enjoy seeing more beautiful pictures of the moon and Earth and the universe, and let us wish safe journeys to whichever nation is making the efforts to explore space.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"When the world goes crazy, it’s useful to be distracted by something beyond this world, such as outer space or the moon or the various parts in between.\nThe recently-concluded mission to the moon by Nasa's Artemis 2 crew is one such distraction. If you’re a space nerd like me, this voyage was very cool.\nThe shenanigans of Elon Musk or Jeff Bezos or Richard Branson in trying to colonise space or the moon or Mars don’t really excite me, it is the exploits of nations going into space to pursue national ambitions that do.\nNations certainly have their own selfish agenda – militarising space, territorial claims of planets and asteroids etc – but they also have many other peaceful goals that make human existence more interesting.\nAfter humans first landed on the moon in 1969 with the Apollo 11 mission, moon landings became less glamourous and instead, we saw more routine and less exciting low-orbit and long-term missions such as Skylab, the International Space Station and the iconic (and on two occasions tragic) Space Shuttles.\nThere’s now a renewed push to land humans back on the moon and even go further, driven by pretty much the same nationalistic and extractive mindset that spurred the adventures and conquests to colonise foreign lands in the past few centuries.\nThe latest Artemis flight is a test-run of the moon landing planned for the Artemis 4 mission in 2028. China, whose space programme has made progress by leaps and bounds, also plans a landing within the next few years.\nThe composition of the Artemis 2 crew (white, black, female and foreign) came as a bit of surprise. It appears DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) isn’t dead in the US yet! But this crew was selected years ago. It’s a safe bet that the US mission that lands on the moon will have an all-white, all-male and all-American crew!\nDomestic US politics aside, the Artemis programme has a huge international flavour in it, with big contributions from Canada, Europe and Japan. Manned space missions are hugely expensive, it has become the norm to share costs and risks. But that also means sharing the glory.\nFuture US programmes such as possible missions to Mars and the asteroids may have a more US-only and private capital character.\nUnfortunately, the current focus on exciting and glamourous space programmes hides the fact that Nasa, along with many other US scientific institutions, have cut down funds on other critical, if politically less palatable, scientific research such as on climate change.\nWe can only hope the EU and especially China will pick up the slack.\n\nRegardless of where you stand on this matter, you'd agree that some of the most memorable results from Artemis 2 are the photographs captured by the crew.\nThere’s one of the full globe of Earth: if you look carefully, you'll notice the orange of the Sahara in northern Africa, oriented in a way which isn’t familiar, very unlike how we see it on a typical map on Earth.\nThe maps of the Earth that are familiar to us are the result of centuries of western map-making and human convention where the Arctic (and Europe) is always on top and the Antarctic is at the bottom.\nIn space there’s no up or down, left or right. The view captured by Artemis shows the globe still lit, even though it is nighttime, with the image brightened by extended camera exposure. You can even see the auroras at the poles and the super-thin atmosphere that supports all life on Earth.\nWe can only marvel, if not actually worry, about the fragility of our existence within that thin band on the face of the earth.\nAnother photo is what’s called the “Earthset” photo where the Earth appears as a white-and-blue crescent over the edge of the lunar surface. This reminds us of the famous “Earthrise” photo taken in 1968 from behind the moon, possibly one of the most famous photographs ever taken, credited with starting the modern environmental movement.\nGiven the dire state of our environment today, it would be a blessing if the new “earth rise” photo resuscitates and reinvigorates that movement again.\nThe world today is a far cry from the world of the 60s, when there was a lot more faith in society’s institutions, whether political or educational or scientific ones.\nToday, belief in science has fallen, with a substantial minority of people especially in the US not even accepting that humans landed on the moon or even that Earth is a globe – even as more people seem to believe in aliens and spacecraft visiting the planet.\nThat’s where China today is different. Its still a young country politically even if it’s an old civilisation, but one still excited and optimistic that knowledge and science and technology can still be harnessed for humanity’s progress and not just to enrich a small handful of billionaires.\nToday it is the US that appears as the old and tired civilisation, more interested in accumulating wealth and power for the few at the expense of the many both within as well as outside of its borders.\nAnything that doesn’t immediately advance this goal is discarded or even demonised.\nMuch of the slack caused by the US retreat from scientific leadership is being picked up by China, which has made tremendous progress in science, nation-building and its own space programmes; while certainly driven by many military and one-upmanship goals, they are also driven by the desire to peer further into the world and the universe we live in.\nLet us enjoy seeing more beautiful pictures of the moon and Earth and the universe, and let us wish safe journeys to whichever nation is making the efforts to explore space.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-20T23:30:09.000Z","author":{"name":"Adzhar Ibrahim"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Artemis 2","China","moon landing","NASA","Science and Technology","space exploration"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/58542a27-adzhar-ibrahim-columnist-latest-060524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/58542a27-adzhar-ibrahim-columnist-latest-060524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/theres-a-deeper-alternative-to-cheaper-coffee","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/theres-a-deeper-alternative-to-cheaper-coffee","title":"There’s a deeper alternative to cheaper coffee","summary":"Rather than agonise over heavy traffic, the time can be spent on listening to educational talks, lectures or political discussions while we wait for the jam to ease.","content_html":"![\"turn](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/af227549-turn-on-music-envato-elements-pic-200426-1.webp\")
From Anas Zubedy
\nWhen I first started working in the late 1980s, I was assigned to manage Central Pahang.
\nWith five dealerships under my care, each separated by an hour to 90 minutes of driving, except for two that were closer together between Mentakab and Temerloh, I spent a significant portion of my life behind the wheel.
\nWhile many would have complained about the isolation and the distance, I chose to ask a different question: “What can I gain from this?”
\nAt that time, we didn’t have the luxury of podcasts, YouTube, or digital platforms. We had cassette tapes.
\nI began collecting learning tapes, educational talks, and political discussions. I even read books on management and sales, recorded my own voice and thoughts onto cassettes, and replayed them while driving.
\nThose long, solitary hours on the road effectively became my classroom.
\nToday, we face a different kind of road fatigue. Traffic congestion in Kuala Lumpur, Penang, and Johor is a harsh, frustrating, and structural reality.
\nThis is why initiatives like the “Bangun KL” campaign by Hannah Yeoh have drawn such strong reactions. Encouraging people to wake up earlier with the incentive of discounted coffee sounds simple. Perhaps too simple.
\nOn the ground, many Malaysians are already doing exactly that. We know people leaving home at 5.30am, those commuting daily from Seremban to KL, and motorcyclists braving long distances just to get to work.
\nThis is not a problem waiting to be solved by a cheaper cup of coffee. To be fair, calling such an approach “naive” may be harsh. A better word would be “simplistic”. And that is where the disconnect lies.
\nBut let us shift the lens.
\nIf traffic congestion is structural and will take time to fix, perhaps the more powerful question is not how we can ease the jam immediately but how we can make better use of the time we have while stuck in traffic.
\nUnlike the 1980s, we now have an abundance of knowledge at our fingertips through podcasts, lectures, and audiobooks from the brightest minds in the world. Just yesterday, during my hour-long drive from Batu Ferringhi to Seberang Perai, I listened to a full lecture from a brilliant professor. And another hour on the way back! That is the shift.
\nImagine if every Malaysian stuck in traffic for two to three hours a day chooses to learn something. Management. Leadership. Emotional intelligence. Or even niche interests like botany and history.
\nAnd this is not confined only to those driving cars. Even on a motorbike, with proper care and safety, one can listen. On the bus, on the train, the same applies.
\nThe point is simple. Whatever mode of transport we use, we can find a way to turn that time into something meaningful. To learn, to reflect, and to grow.
\nI am not suggesting that we ignore the structural problem of traffic. We must address it. It must be studied properly and tackled in our national plans, including the next Rancangan Malaysia, with a multi-disciplinary and more holistic approach.
\nHowever, today, we must also do what we can within our current reality. Complaining does not help. We must ask ourselves, in this situation, under these constraints, how can I make the best of it?
\nThis is the way forward. To identify the niche areas we can act on, even when it seems like little can be done because there is always something positive that can be done.
\nOver time, this practice transforms not just individuals, but the nation. A traffic jam becomes a moving university. A daily frustration becomes a daily investment.
\nThis is about building a conscious habit of turning idle time into learning time. Habits, once formed, do not stay with us alone.
\nIf our children see us using traffic to learn and reflect rather than mindlessly scrolling, they will grow up believing that continuous learning is the norm.
\nThis is the deeper alternative. Not cheaper coffee. But deeper thinking. Not waking up earlier just to sit longer in traffic. But using that time to grow.
\nWe may be trapped in traffic. But we do not have to be trapped in our minds.
\n\n
Anas Zubedy is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Anas Zubedy\nWhen I first started working in the late 1980s, I was assigned to manage Central Pahang.\nWith five dealerships under my care, each separated by an hour to 90 minutes of driving, except for two that were closer together between Mentakab and Temerloh, I spent a significant portion of my life behind the wheel.\nWhile many would have complained about the isolation and the distance, I chose to ask a different question: “What can I gain from this?”\nAt that time, we didn't have the luxury of podcasts, YouTube, or digital platforms. We had cassette tapes.\nI began collecting learning tapes, educational talks, and political discussions. I even read books on management and sales, recorded my own voice and thoughts onto cassettes, and replayed them while driving.\nThose long, solitary hours on the road effectively became my classroom.\nToday, we face a different kind of road fatigue. Traffic congestion in Kuala Lumpur, Penang, and Johor is a harsh, frustrating, and structural reality.\nThis is why initiatives like the “Bangun KL” campaign by Hannah Yeoh have drawn such strong reactions. Encouraging people to wake up earlier with the incentive of discounted coffee sounds simple. Perhaps too simple.\nOn the ground, many Malaysians are already doing exactly that. We know people leaving home at 5.30am, those commuting daily from Seremban to KL, and motorcyclists braving long distances just to get to work.\nThis is not a problem waiting to be solved by a cheaper cup of coffee. To be fair, calling such an approach “naive” may be harsh. A better word would be “simplistic”. And that is where the disconnect lies.\nBut let us shift the lens.\nIf traffic congestion is structural and will take time to fix, perhaps the more powerful question is not how we can ease the jam immediately but how we can make better use of the time we have while stuck in traffic.\nUnlike the 1980s, we now have an abundance of knowledge at our fingertips through podcasts, lectures, and audiobooks from the brightest minds in the world. Just yesterday, during my hour-long drive from Batu Ferringhi to Seberang Perai, I listened to a full lecture from a brilliant professor. And another hour on the way back! That is the shift.\nImagine if every Malaysian stuck in traffic for two to three hours a day chooses to learn something. Management. Leadership. Emotional intelligence. Or even niche interests like botany and history.\nAnd this is not confined only to those driving cars. Even on a motorbike, with proper care and safety, one can listen. On the bus, on the train, the same applies.\nThe point is simple. Whatever mode of transport we use, we can find a way to turn that time into something meaningful. To learn, to reflect, and to grow.\nI am not suggesting that we ignore the structural problem of traffic. We must address it. It must be studied properly and tackled in our national plans, including the next Rancangan Malaysia, with a multi-disciplinary and more holistic approach.\nHowever, today, we must also do what we can within our current reality. Complaining does not help. We must ask ourselves, in this situation, under these constraints, how can I make the best of it?\nThis is the way forward. To identify the niche areas we can act on, even when it seems like little can be done because there is always something positive that can be done.\nOver time, this practice transforms not just individuals, but the nation. A traffic jam becomes a moving university. A daily frustration becomes a daily investment.\nThis is about building a conscious habit of turning idle time into learning time. Habits, once formed, do not stay with us alone.\nIf our children see us using traffic to learn and reflect rather than mindlessly scrolling, they will grow up believing that continuous learning is the norm.\nThis is the deeper alternative. Not cheaper coffee. But deeper thinking. Not waking up earlier just to sit longer in traffic. But using that time to grow.\nWe may be trapped in traffic. But we do not have to be trapped in our minds.\n \nAnas Zubedy is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-20T07:58:19.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","cassette tape","Coffee","leadership","management","political discussion","traffic congestion"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/af227549-turn-on-music-envato-elements-pic-200426-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/af227549-turn-on-music-envato-elements-pic-200426-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/elok-ada-tribunal-buku","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/elok-ada-tribunal-buku","title":"Elok ada tribunal buku","summary":"Tribunal juga perlu ada mekanisme pengampunan. Buku yang diampunkan bebas daripada pengharaman.","content_html":"
Kata wartawan veteran Zin Mahmud beliau ada t-shirt Shamsiah Fakeh. Maksud saya t-shirt bergambarkan Shamsiah. Beliau ada juga T-shirt Ali Shariati. Untuk artikel ini saya tumpukan perhatian kepada Shamsiah.
\n“Buku haram T-shirt tak haram,” kata Zin di Facebook. T-shirt itu beliau beli pada 2019 tapi “aku taklah pakai sebab nanti orang yang suka bersangka buruk akan memandang serong.”
\nBetul juga. Tetapi untuk seseorang hendak ‘pandang serong’ orang itu terlebih dahulu mestilah tahu siapa Shamsiah dan percaya apa yang dia diberitahu mengenai wanita itu adalah sesuatu yang betul.
\nNamun, pada hemat saya ramai tak tahu khususnya golongan muda yang tidak ‘kenal’ Shamsiah dan peranannya dalam sejarah tanah air. Dan apabila Kementrian Dalam Negeri (KDN) tempoh hari mengharamkan buku ‘Memoir Shamsiah Fakeh: Dari Awas ke Regimen ke-10’, sebahagian sejarah negara lenyap.
\nGolongan yang sememangnya tidak tahu akan kekal tidak tahu. Golongan mendatang tentulah tidak akan tahu sampai bila-bila. Ini menyedihkan.
\nSebuah lagi buku yang diharamkan berjudul ‘Komrad Asi (Regimen 10): Dalam Denyut Nihilisme Sejarah’. Ia diterbitkan pada 2022 manakala buku Shamsiah terbitan pertama pada 2004 oleh Universti Kebangsaan Malaysia.
\nErtinya, setelah sekian lama bebas – dijual, dibeli, dibaca – baru sekarang diharamkan. Namun, kata KDN setiap tindakan penguatkuasaan dibuat ‘bukan semata-mata bergantung kepada tarikh penerbitan sesuatu bahan’.
\nIa dibuat kata KDN ‘berdasarkan penilaian semasa dan kepentingan keselamatan awam’. Lantas, kata KDN larangan ke atas buku tersebut ‘merupakan langkah pencegahan bagi melindungi masyarakat daripada penyemaran fahaman yang boleh menjejaskan keharmonian dan ketenteraman awam’.
\nMaksudnya, semasa diterbitkan buku itu tidak mendatangkan ‘mudarat’ kepada masyarakat waktu itu tetapi hasil penilaian semula ‘after a long time’ KDN percaya masyarakat zaman ini mesti dlindungi ‘daripada penyemaran fahaman yang boleh menjejaskan keharmonian dan ketenteraman awam’.
\nMemang kedua-dua buku boleh dilihat sebagai berunsur komunisme kerana berkaitan Parti Komunis Malaya. Pada hemat saya masyarakat zaman ini lebih ‘sophisticated’ daripada masyarakat dulu – tetapi ‘dulu’ yang dimaksudkan tidak lama mana pun bezanya.
\nShamsiah dan Regimen 10 yang dianggotai orang Melayu berulang-kali mendakwa mereka berjuang menentang Inggeris untuk menuntut kemerdekaan Malaya melalui PKM. Dalam erti kata lain mereka menggunakan PKM sebagai pentas untuk berjuang. Percaya atau tidak terpulang.
\nPerlu dinyatakan buku Abdullah CD, Rashid Maidin – dua nama besar PKM/Regimen 10 masih boleh dibeli di kedai buku seluruh tanah air. Begitu juga buku Setiausha Agung PKM Chin Peng.
\nSemasa UKM kali pertama menerbitkan buku Shamsiah ia dikatakan sebagai bahan rujukan dan refleksi sejarah bagi memberi ruang kepada masyarakat menilai semula sesuatu perkara dengan kritis .
\nKata bekas pengarang majalah Mastika, Zulkarnian Zakaria, menerusi hantaran di Facebook: “Saya tidak menjadi komunis pun dengan membaca buku-buku ini. Malah tidak terpengaruh langsung.”
\nDan katanya lagi “zaman komunis sudah lama berlalu. Ideologinya sudah lapuk terbukti gagal dan hampir pupus. Hanya tinggal lima atau enam negara yang masih percaya pada komunis Marxism.”
\nBagi Zulkifli, buku itu sekadar dokumen untuk memahami sejarah negara dari perspektif berbeza. Perlu dinyatakan ayah Zulkifli, bertugas sebagai special constable waktu darurat ditembak mati oleh komunis.
\n“Sudah tentu saya benci kekejaman komunis,” katanya. Tapi sejarah perlu dilihat dengan hati yang tenang dan tanpa bias. Ia juga perlu dibaca dari pelbagai sumber dan perspektif.
\nKata Zin, Shamsiah sudah menjadi sebahagian daripada sejarah politik Melayu, Malaya dan Malaysia. Ia sudah masuk ke dalam kesedaran dan memori kolektif bangsa pelbagai generasi. Memang betul.
\n“Buatlah apa pun tidak ada siapa yang boleh memadam sejarah.” kata Zin. Sekali lagi saya kata betul kata beliau tetapi ‘people can always try’ dan tidak kurang ramai yang cuba memadam sejarah.
\nSaya akhiri penulisan ini dengan satu cadangan Zin: “Tak adil mengharamkan buku begitu saja. Sepatutnya ada tribunal buku.”
\nJika ada sesiapa yang mahu kerajaan mengharamkan sesebuah buku pengadu mestilah bawa buku itu ke tribunal. Bagi pendakwaan dan buku itu dibicarakan.
\nSaksi yang terdiri daripada pakar bidang boleh dikemukakan. Peminat buku berkenaan bolehlah menjadi pembela. Setelah masing-masing mengemukakan hujah, majistret buat keputusan sama ada buku itu patut diharamkan untuk berapa lama. Tidak bolehlah selama-lamanya kerana masyarakat pasti berubah.
\nTribunal juga perlu ada mekanisme pengampunan. Buku yang diampunkan bebas daripada pengharaman. Setuju 100%.
\nSaya menambah. Jika KDN (baca kerajaan) yang bertindak mengharamkan buku secara sendirian yakni tanpa ada pihak buat aduan – penulis atau penerbit buku terlibat boleh juga bawa kes kepada tribunal buku. Ertinya ada satu saluran khusus. Saluran alternatif selain bawa ke mahkamah ‘biasa’.
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Kata wartawan veteran Zin Mahmud beliau ada t-shirt Shamsiah Fakeh. Maksud saya t-shirt bergambarkan Shamsiah. Beliau ada juga T-shirt Ali Shariati. Untuk artikel ini saya tumpukan perhatian kepada Shamsiah.\n\"Buku haram T-shirt tak haram,\" kata Zin di Facebook. T-shirt itu beliau beli pada 2019 tapi \"aku taklah pakai sebab nanti orang yang suka bersangka buruk akan memandang serong.\"\nBetul juga. Tetapi untuk seseorang hendak 'pandang serong' orang itu terlebih dahulu mestilah tahu siapa Shamsiah dan percaya apa yang dia diberitahu mengenai wanita itu adalah sesuatu yang betul.\nNamun, pada hemat saya ramai tak tahu khususnya golongan muda yang tidak 'kenal' Shamsiah dan peranannya dalam sejarah tanah air. Dan apabila Kementrian Dalam Negeri (KDN) tempoh hari mengharamkan buku 'Memoir Shamsiah Fakeh: Dari Awas ke Regimen ke-10', sebahagian sejarah negara lenyap.\nGolongan yang sememangnya tidak tahu akan kekal tidak tahu. Golongan mendatang tentulah tidak akan tahu sampai bila-bila. Ini menyedihkan.\nSebuah lagi buku yang diharamkan berjudul 'Komrad Asi (Regimen 10): Dalam Denyut Nihilisme Sejarah'. Ia diterbitkan pada 2022 manakala buku Shamsiah terbitan pertama pada 2004 oleh Universti Kebangsaan Malaysia.\nErtinya, setelah sekian lama bebas - dijual, dibeli, dibaca – baru sekarang diharamkan. Namun, kata KDN setiap tindakan penguatkuasaan dibuat 'bukan semata-mata bergantung kepada tarikh penerbitan sesuatu bahan'.\nIa dibuat kata KDN 'berdasarkan penilaian semasa dan kepentingan keselamatan awam'. Lantas, kata KDN larangan ke atas buku tersebut 'merupakan langkah pencegahan bagi melindungi masyarakat daripada penyemaran fahaman yang boleh menjejaskan keharmonian dan ketenteraman awam'.\nMaksudnya, semasa diterbitkan buku itu tidak mendatangkan 'mudarat' kepada masyarakat waktu itu tetapi hasil penilaian semula 'after a long time' KDN percaya masyarakat zaman ini mesti dlindungi 'daripada penyemaran fahaman yang boleh menjejaskan keharmonian dan ketenteraman awam'.\nMemang kedua-dua buku boleh dilihat sebagai berunsur komunisme kerana berkaitan Parti Komunis Malaya. Pada hemat saya masyarakat zaman ini lebih 'sophisticated' daripada masyarakat dulu - tetapi 'dulu' yang dimaksudkan tidak lama mana pun bezanya.\nShamsiah dan Regimen 10 yang dianggotai orang Melayu berulang-kali mendakwa mereka berjuang menentang Inggeris untuk menuntut kemerdekaan Malaya melalui PKM. Dalam erti kata lain mereka menggunakan PKM sebagai pentas untuk berjuang. Percaya atau tidak terpulang.\nPerlu dinyatakan buku Abdullah CD, Rashid Maidin - dua nama besar PKM/Regimen 10 masih boleh dibeli di kedai buku seluruh tanah air. Begitu juga buku Setiausha Agung PKM Chin Peng.\nSemasa UKM kali pertama menerbitkan buku Shamsiah ia dikatakan sebagai bahan rujukan dan refleksi sejarah bagi memberi ruang kepada masyarakat menilai semula sesuatu perkara dengan kritis .\nKata bekas pengarang majalah Mastika, Zulkarnian Zakaria, menerusi hantaran di Facebook: \"Saya tidak menjadi komunis pun dengan membaca buku-buku ini. Malah tidak terpengaruh langsung.\"\nDan katanya lagi \"zaman komunis sudah lama berlalu. Ideologinya sudah lapuk terbukti gagal dan hampir pupus. Hanya tinggal lima atau enam negara yang masih percaya pada komunis Marxism.\"\nBagi Zulkifli, buku itu sekadar dokumen untuk memahami sejarah negara dari perspektif berbeza. Perlu dinyatakan ayah Zulkifli, bertugas sebagai special constable waktu darurat ditembak mati oleh komunis.\n\"Sudah tentu saya benci kekejaman komunis,\" katanya. Tapi sejarah perlu dilihat dengan hati yang tenang dan tanpa bias. Ia juga perlu dibaca dari pelbagai sumber dan perspektif.\nKata Zin, Shamsiah sudah menjadi sebahagian daripada sejarah politik Melayu, Malaya dan Malaysia. Ia sudah masuk ke dalam kesedaran dan memori kolektif bangsa pelbagai generasi. Memang betul.\n\"Buatlah apa pun tidak ada siapa yang boleh memadam sejarah.\" kata Zin. Sekali lagi saya kata betul kata beliau tetapi 'people can always try' dan tidak kurang ramai yang cuba memadam sejarah.\nSaya akhiri penulisan ini dengan satu cadangan Zin: \"Tak adil mengharamkan buku begitu saja. Sepatutnya ada tribunal buku.\"\nJika ada sesiapa yang mahu kerajaan mengharamkan sesebuah buku pengadu mestilah bawa buku itu ke tribunal. Bagi pendakwaan dan buku itu dibicarakan.\nSaksi yang terdiri daripada pakar bidang boleh dikemukakan. Peminat buku berkenaan bolehlah menjadi pembela. Setelah masing-masing mengemukakan hujah, majistret buat keputusan sama ada buku itu patut diharamkan untuk berapa lama. Tidak bolehlah selama-lamanya kerana masyarakat pasti berubah.\nTribunal juga perlu ada mekanisme pengampunan. Buku yang diampunkan bebas daripada pengharaman. Setuju 100%.\nSaya menambah. Jika KDN (baca kerajaan) yang bertindak mengharamkan buku secara sendirian yakni tanpa ada pihak buat aduan – penulis atau penerbit buku terlibat boleh juga bawa kes kepada tribunal buku. Ertinya ada satu saluran khusus. Saluran alternatif selain bawa ke mahkamah 'biasa'.\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-20T01:30:17.000Z","author":{"name":"Mohsin Abdullah"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","buku","Haram","KDN","komunis","penulis","tribunal"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/a8fd859b-mohsin-abdullah-columnist-100524-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/beware-double-edged-sword-of-victim-compensation","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/beware-double-edged-sword-of-victim-compensation","title":"Beware double-edged sword of victim compensation","summary":"Will restorative justice be seen as a way for politicians and wealthy offenders to ‘buy’ their way out of a criminal record and will questions over race and religion upend the legal or mediatory process?","content_html":"![\"a](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/67fa7466-a-kathirasen-latest-180226.webp\")
The shift towards greater application of restorative justice by the authorities could turn out to be more complicated than they assume. It could even spur debates of a racist or religious nature if not handled carefully.
\nFirst, let me say again that the law proposed by transport minister Loke Siew Fook on accident compensation and the order to deputy public prosecutors (DPPs) to seek compensation for crime victims is in tandem with global trends towards restorative justice. I believe the public is in favour of it.
\nWe can expect to see DPPs applying to the courts to order compensation for the victims of crimes following the instruction to do so from attorney-general Dusuki Mokhtar on April 15.
\nRestorative justice is best explained by Howard Zehr, a criminologist and professor, who is credited with being the first to systematically present the theory of restorative justice in his 1990 book “Changing Lenses: A New Focus for Crime and Justice.”
\nZehr says: “An area of special concern has been the neglect of victims and their needs; legal justice is largely about what to do with offenders. It has also been driven by a desire to hold offenders truly accountable.
\n“Recognizing that punishment is often ineffective, restorative justice aims at helping offenders to recognise the harm they have caused and encouraging them to repair the harm, to the extent it is possible. Rather than obsessing about whether offenders get what they deserve, restorative justice focuses on repairing the harm of crime and engaging individuals and community members in the process.”
\nRestorative justice is being applied successfully, alongside retributive justice, in various nations, including Norway, New Zealand, India and Singapore.
\nThe fact is, elements of restorative justice are already embedded in the Malaysian juvenile justice system but there is yet no standalone legal framework for adults.
\nRestorative justice – which involves more than offering monetary compensation – needs immediate application in crimes like the theft of food or basic necessities due to poverty.
\nMost Malaysians are saddened, even aghast, when an adult is jailed for stealing food or daily necessities, especially if it is to feed their children.
\nThe most recent case involves Ngui Mee Kah, 22, from Bintangor in Sarawak who was sentenced to two months’ jail by the magistrates’ court for stealing instant noodles and corned beef from a local supermarket on March 31.
\nA Jan 5 report said Muhamad Azrul Haqim Azman, an unemployed father of two, was sentenced to jail for a month after admitting to stealing items worth RM113.70 from a supermarket in Kuala Terengganu on New Year’s Day.
\nThe court was told that he had fallen on hard times after losing his job and that he had only stolen household necessities.
\nMake no mistake. Stealing, no matter how petty, is wrong and should be punished. However, in such cases, prosecutors and courts should lean towards the principles of restorative justice rather than retributive justice.
\nIn the case of accidents, we know that no amount of compensation or jail time can bring back the dead or change the situation. However, compensation in some form and a heart-to-heart talk asking for forgiveness – if that is possible given the anger on one side and guilt on the other – should help the survivors get on with their lives.
\nHowever, there are many hurdles in implementing restorative justice, one of which concerns compensation.
\nWhat if the offender is so poor that he cannot afford to pay compensation? A person who steals to feed his or her family is certainly not in a position to pay compensation. Compensation that is too high could push a middle-income earner into a state of despair, even bankruptcy.
\nThe rich, or course, would have no issue paying any compensation to get out of jail.
\nSo, this has to be thought out carefully.
\nA related area requiring careful deliberation and implementation involves politicians, several of whom have been charged with corruption and other offences in recent years.
\nWhat if a politician’s charge is reduced to a lesser charge because he or she paid compensation to the victim’s family?
\nWould the public then perceive restorative justice as a way for wealthy or well-connected offenders to “buy” their way out of a criminal record?
\nRemember the outcry over the case of a politician who was not charged after he paid a compound? Scrutiny of politicians is high in Malaysia simply because the public expects them to lead by example.
\nCrucially, the authorities should keep in mind the multiracial, multireligious nature of Malaysia. Too many people today are easily upset, easily angered. Too many people today see race or religion in everything that happens around them.
\nLet me cite the March 29 fatal crash in Klang where motorcyclist Amirul Hafiz Omar, 33, was killed after being hit by a car driven by R Sakthygaanapathy, 28, as an example. Sakthygaanapathy was charged with murder. He pleaded guilty to another charge of self-administering drugs.
\nIt was not seen just as an accident involving two Malaysians by many, especially on social media; it was seen as an Indian crashing into and killing a Malay.
\nI suspect that the anger, the noise, on social media contributed to Sakthygaanapathy being charged with murder, instead of a lesser charge. There was immense pressure on the government to act decisively.
\nThen, on April 2, driver Shafiq Salleh, 29, was charged with murder after his trailer lorry crashed into the rear of a van in Johor, resulting in the deaths of three family members identified as K Myakrishnan, 72, S Sevendai, 65, and S Palaniandy, 75. Police said Shafiq tested positive for drugs.
\nAlthough there was far less racial-related noise on social media and elsewhere, I suspect the attorney-general had no choice but to charge him with murder to appear fair.
\nSo, those drafting the laws and working out the mechanism for restorative justice have the onerous task of ensuring that everything is not only fair but also seen to be fair, and totally non-racial. Importantly, implementers will face increased scrutiny, with some commenters hunting for racial or religious bias.
\nIf, say, an offender from one ethnic group receives a lighter sentence compared with an offender from another ethnic group for a similar or same offence, social media could be aflame and tensions may rise.
\nWe have seen that when an accident goes viral, it stops being a legal matter and becomes a public performance where racial and religious identities come into play. We have seen that when tragedy is amplified by social media, the incident or legal process risks being viewed through a toxic lens.
\nIn Malaysia, restorative justice – including compensation – can be a two-edged sword if not properly planned and fairly implemented.
\nRead also: Klang accident: Out of tragedy, some radical good
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"The shift towards greater application of restorative justice by the authorities could turn out to be more complicated than they assume. It could even spur debates of a racist or religious nature if not handled carefully.\nFirst, let me say again that the law proposed by transport minister Loke Siew Fook on accident compensation and the order to deputy public prosecutors (DPPs) to seek compensation for crime victims is in tandem with global trends towards restorative justice. I believe the public is in favour of it.\nWe can expect to see DPPs applying to the courts to order compensation for the victims of crimes following the instruction to do so from attorney-general Dusuki Mokhtar on April 15.\nRestorative justice is best explained by Howard Zehr, a criminologist and professor, who is credited with being the first to systematically present the theory of restorative justice in his 1990 book “Changing Lenses: A New Focus for Crime and Justice.”\nZehr says: “An area of special concern has been the neglect of victims and their needs; legal justice is largely about what to do with offenders. It has also been driven by a desire to hold offenders truly accountable.\n“Recognizing that punishment is often ineffective, restorative justice aims at helping offenders to recognise the harm they have caused and encouraging them to repair the harm, to the extent it is possible. Rather than obsessing about whether offenders get what they deserve, restorative justice focuses on repairing the harm of crime and engaging individuals and community members in the process.”\nRestorative justice is being applied successfully, alongside retributive justice, in various nations, including Norway, New Zealand, India and Singapore.\nThe fact is, elements of restorative justice are already embedded in the Malaysian juvenile justice system but there is yet no standalone legal framework for adults.\nRestorative justice – which involves more than offering monetary compensation - needs immediate application in crimes like the theft of food or basic necessities due to poverty.\nMost Malaysians are saddened, even aghast, when an adult is jailed for stealing food or daily necessities, especially if it is to feed their children.\nThe most recent case involves Ngui Mee Kah, 22, from Bintangor in Sarawak who was sentenced to two months’ jail by the magistrates’ court for stealing instant noodles and corned beef from a local supermarket on March 31.\nA Jan 5 report said Muhamad Azrul Haqim Azman, an unemployed father of two, was sentenced to jail for a month after admitting to stealing items worth RM113.70 from a supermarket in Kuala Terengganu on New Year’s Day.\nThe court was told that he had fallen on hard times after losing his job and that he had only stolen household necessities.\nMake no mistake. Stealing, no matter how petty, is wrong and should be punished. However, in such cases, prosecutors and courts should lean towards the principles of restorative justice rather than retributive justice.\nIn the case of accidents, we know that no amount of compensation or jail time can bring back the dead or change the situation. However, compensation in some form and a heart-to-heart talk asking for forgiveness - if that is possible given the anger on one side and guilt on the other - should help the survivors get on with their lives.\nHowever, there are many hurdles in implementing restorative justice, one of which concerns compensation.\nWhat if the offender is so poor that he cannot afford to pay compensation? A person who steals to feed his or her family is certainly not in a position to pay compensation. Compensation that is too high could push a middle-income earner into a state of despair, even bankruptcy.\nThe rich, or course, would have no issue paying any compensation to get out of jail.\nSo, this has to be thought out carefully.\nA related area requiring careful deliberation and implementation involves politicians, several of whom have been charged with corruption and other offences in recent years.\nWhat if a politician’s charge is reduced to a lesser charge because he or she paid compensation to the victim’s family?\nWould the public then perceive restorative justice as a way for wealthy or well-connected offenders to \"buy\" their way out of a criminal record?\nRemember the outcry over the case of a politician who was not charged after he paid a compound? Scrutiny of politicians is high in Malaysia simply because the public expects them to lead by example.\nCrucially, the authorities should keep in mind the multiracial, multireligious nature of Malaysia. Too many people today are easily upset, easily angered. Too many people today see race or religion in everything that happens around them.\nLet me cite the March 29 fatal crash in Klang where motorcyclist Amirul Hafiz Omar, 33, was killed after being hit by a car driven by R Sakthygaanapathy, 28, as an example. Sakthygaanapathy was charged with murder. He pleaded guilty to another charge of self-administering drugs.\nIt was not seen just as an accident involving two Malaysians by many, especially on social media; it was seen as an Indian crashing into and killing a Malay.\nI suspect that the anger, the noise, on social media contributed to Sakthygaanapathy being charged with murder, instead of a lesser charge. There was immense pressure on the government to act decisively.\nThen, on April 2, driver Shafiq Salleh, 29, was charged with murder after his trailer lorry crashed into the rear of a van in Johor, resulting in the deaths of three family members identified as K Myakrishnan, 72, S Sevendai, 65, and S Palaniandy, 75. Police said Shafiq tested positive for drugs.\nAlthough there was far less racial-related noise on social media and elsewhere, I suspect the attorney-general had no choice but to charge him with murder to appear fair.\nSo, those drafting the laws and working out the mechanism for restorative justice have the onerous task of ensuring that everything is not only fair but also seen to be fair, and totally non-racial. Importantly, implementers will face increased scrutiny, with some commenters hunting for racial or religious bias.\nIf, say, an offender from one ethnic group receives a lighter sentence compared with an offender from another ethnic group for a similar or same offence, social media could be aflame and tensions may rise.\nWe have seen that when an accident goes viral, it stops being a legal matter and becomes a public performance where racial and religious identities come into play. We have seen that when tragedy is amplified by social media, the incident or legal process risks being viewed through a toxic lens.\nIn Malaysia, restorative justice - including compensation - can be a two-edged sword if not properly planned and fairly implemented.\nRead also: Klang accident: Out of tragedy, some radical good\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-20T00:00:54.000Z","author":{"name":"A. Kathirasen"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","compensation","Howard Zehr","Klang accident","murder","Poverty","race","Religion","restorative justice","social media","sword","theft"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/67fa7466-a-kathirasen-latest-180226.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/67fa7466-a-kathirasen-latest-180226.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/lets-make-ai-less-thirsty","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/20/lets-make-ai-less-thirsty","title":"Let’s make AI less thirsty","summary":"Artificial intelligence’s growing energy and water demands will quietly worsen the strain on the climate unless governments step in with clear rules.","content_html":"
It was only 10am, but the searing heat was already burning intensely against my skin. I don’t remember mornings like this growing up.
\nBack then, the sun was something we ran under, not something we fled from. We played konda-kondi and rounders in open fields—long before anyone spoke about UV rays or heatwaves.
\nEach morning, as I left for school, my family’s only reminder would be: “Keep your uniform clean.”
\nBut by the time I crept back home that uniform would be stained with mud and sweat. I would try to slip in unnoticed, but would fail miserably.
\nToday, children leave for school in crisp uniforms, and return with them in the same condition. There are no grass stains, no stories written on fabric. Our children’s playgrounds having shifted from fields to screens.
\n\nPerhaps this is where the story begins to turn, as we rarely connect our digital habits to climate change.
\nThe more we retreat into our phones, the more heat our technology emits, and this is where a quiet cycle begins.
\nThe infrastructure powering our online lives, from social media to artificial intelligence, is energy-intensive.
\nBehind every search, every scroll, and every AI-generated response lies a network of data centres working relentlessly.
\nAnd those systems are, quite literally, thirsty.
\nAccording to the US-based Environmental and Energy Study Institute, large data centres can use up nearly 19 million litres, of water per day—equivalent to the consumption of a town with a population of between 10,000 and 50,000 people.
\nMeanwhile, the International Energy Agency reports that large data centres typically operate in the 10 to 100 megawatt range. Every 10 megawatts can power about 8,000 to 10,000 homes.
\nBut technology is not the villain. It has connected us, informed us, and, in many ways, improved our lives. But it will continue to have an impact on the environment.
\nSo the question is not whether humans are “killing” themselves, but whether we have adequate policies to keep our future cool.
\nCybersecurity and AI expert Selvakumar Manickam told me recently that AI could account for about 3% of global energy demand by 2030, with consumption set to rise.
\nDrawing parallels with cryptocurrency mining, he said there is little transparency over how much power and water data centres consume, with minimal monitoring in place.
\nHe said policymakers must set limits on energy and water consumption and require companies to disclose usage levels.
\nSelvakumar said energy-intensive processes should be shifted to off-peak hours, such as late nights or weekends, to ease pressure on the national grid.
\nHe said greater investment is needed in research to develop more efficient algorithms that require less power.
\n“If there are no limits, companies will continue to consume freely.
\n“With caps, they will be forced to optimise operations or invest in more efficient infrastructure,” he said, adding that early intervention is crucial to avoid repeating mistakes seen in other high-growth sectors.
\nThe last thing we want is for intervention to take place only when it is too late.
\nBy then, the impact would be irreversible, and the heat would no longer just be something we feel.
\nIt would be something we failed to act on.
\n\n
The writer is a senior journalist at FMT’s English Desk.
\nThis article represents the writer’s opinion and does not necessarily reflect FMT’s position.
\n","content_text":"It was only 10am, but the searing heat was already burning intensely against my skin. I don’t remember mornings like this growing up.\nBack then, the sun was something we ran under, not something we fled from. We played konda-kondi and rounders in open fields—long before anyone spoke about UV rays or heatwaves.\nEach morning, as I left for school, my family’s only reminder would be: “Keep your uniform clean.”\nBut by the time I crept back home that uniform would be stained with mud and sweat. I would try to slip in unnoticed, but would fail miserably.\nToday, children leave for school in crisp uniforms, and return with them in the same condition. There are no grass stains, no stories written on fabric. Our children’s playgrounds having shifted from fields to screens.\n\nPerhaps this is where the story begins to turn, as we rarely connect our digital habits to climate change.\nThe more we retreat into our phones, the more heat our technology emits, and this is where a quiet cycle begins.\nThe infrastructure powering our online lives, from social media to artificial intelligence, is energy-intensive.\nBehind every search, every scroll, and every AI-generated response lies a network of data centres working relentlessly.\nAnd those systems are, quite literally, thirsty.\nAccording to the US-based Environmental and Energy Study Institute, large data centres can use up nearly 19 million litres, of water per day—equivalent to the consumption of a town with a population of between 10,000 and 50,000 people.\nMeanwhile, the International Energy Agency reports that large data centres typically operate in the 10 to 100 megawatt range. Every 10 megawatts can power about 8,000 to 10,000 homes.\nBut technology is not the villain. It has connected us, informed us, and, in many ways, improved our lives. But it will continue to have an impact on the environment.\nSo the question is not whether humans are “killing” themselves, but whether we have adequate policies to keep our future cool.\nCybersecurity and AI expert Selvakumar Manickam told me recently that AI could account for about 3% of global energy demand by 2030, with consumption set to rise.\nDrawing parallels with cryptocurrency mining, he said there is little transparency over how much power and water data centres consume, with minimal monitoring in place.\nHe said policymakers must set limits on energy and water consumption and require companies to disclose usage levels.\nSelvakumar said energy-intensive processes should be shifted to off-peak hours, such as late nights or weekends, to ease pressure on the national grid.\nHe said greater investment is needed in research to develop more efficient algorithms that require less power.\n“If there are no limits, companies will continue to consume freely.\n“With caps, they will be forced to optimise operations or invest in more efficient infrastructure,” he said, adding that early intervention is crucial to avoid repeating mistakes seen in other high-growth sectors.\nThe last thing we want is for intervention to take place only when it is too late.\nBy then, the impact would be irreversible, and the heat would no longer just be something we feel.\nIt would be something we failed to act on.\n \nThe writer is a senior journalist at FMT’s English Desk.\nThis article represents the writer’s opinion and does not necessarily reflect FMT’s position.","date_published":"2026-04-19T23:00:31.000Z","author":{"name":"Minderjeet Kaur"},"tags":["Highlight","Editorial","Opinion","Top Opinion","AI","data centres","Electricity","energy","heat","Selvakumar Manickam","Water"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/07/862c3d17-behind-the-bylines-column-new-latest-250725.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/19/eye-in-the-sky-adds-new-dimension-to-iran-conflict","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/19/eye-in-the-sky-adds-new-dimension-to-iran-conflict","title":"Eye in the sky adds new dimension to Iran conflict","summary":"Boosting surveillance over the Strait of Hormuz risks escalating confrontation among great powers China, US, and India.","content_html":"
The intensification of aerial and satellite surveillance over the Strait of Hormuz marks a decisive shift in how great power rivalry can unfold.
\nRather than take on each other through direct naval confrontation alone, the big powers can also engage in persistent observation, tracking, and strategic signalling.
\nWhat appears, at first glance, as a technical adaptation by the US Navy is, in fact, a profound geopolitical recalibration shaped by vulnerability, deterrence, and economic interdependence.
\nAt the heart of this transformation lies a simple but dangerous reality: the Strait of Hormuz is no longer merely a maritime chokepoint.
\n\nIt has become a contested surveillance theatre where intelligence gathering risks are interpreted as provocation.
\nThe US, acutely aware of the dense network of anti-ship missiles, drones, and swarm tactics employed by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), has found its traditional naval dominance constrained.
\nThe proximity required for surface fleet operations in such a narrow waterway — at points barely 21 miles (33.7km) across — renders even the most advanced naval assets susceptible to asymmetric attacks.
\nAs a result, Washington has pivoted towards aerial reconnaissance and satellite monitoring as safer alternatives to track Iranian tanker movements.
\nYet this shift is not without consequence.
\nChina, which imports approximately 13% of its crude oil from Iran for total energy consumption, is not merely a passive observer in this unfolding drama.
\nIRCG, for its part, sells up to 90% of its oil exports to Beijing.
\nThis deep energy interdependence transforms what might otherwise be a bilateral US-Iran confrontation into a triangular strategic dilemma involving China. How?
\nEvery satellite image captured, every drone flight conducted, and every tanker tracked by the US Navy, say, in the Indian Ocean, carries with it the implicit possibility of interception.
\nThat’s the US’s interception of Iranian vessels heading for China. Will China just sit and not escort the Iranian vessels to China too? This is now a major question confronting China, the US and Iran.
\nThus, should the US move from surveillance to interdiction — whether through sanctions enforcement or physical disruption — it would not only target IRGC’s revenue streams but also directly affect China’s energy security.
\nThis is where the geopolitical calculus becomes perilous.
\nChina cannot afford to remain neutral if its energy lifelines are threatened.
\nThe logic of great power politics dictates that Beijing may be compelled to respond — diplomatically at first, but potentially in more assertive ways — should Washington attempt to interdict vessels bound for Chinese ports.
\nChina, after all, has a solitary naval base in Djibouti too. Not that far from Red Sea, the Strait of Hormuz, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean.
\nThe result is a triage of tension in which Iran seeks to sustain its economic survival, the US attempts to enforce strategic pressure, and China strives to secure uninterrupted energy supplies. But that is not all.
\nThe situation becomes even more complex with the inclusion of India.
\nNew Delhi, another significant importer of Iranian crude, introduces a fourth dimension to this evolving crisis.
\nWhile India has historically balanced its relations between Washington and Tehran, any disruption to its energy flows could force it into difficult strategic choices.
\nWhat begins as a triangular contest thus evolves into a quadrangular predicament involving Iran, the US, China, and India — each with distinct but overlapping interests.
\nTherefore, compounding this dynamic in the Strait of Hormuz is the phenomenon of what might be termed a “double blockade” leading to multiple strategic implications.
\nOn one hand, Iran has restricted passage to vessels it deems hostile, selectively allowing tankers from friendly nations such as China and India, even Pakistan and Malaysia to transit.
\nOn the other hand, the US has sought to limit Iran’s ability to export oil, whether through sanctions, monitoring, or potential interdiction in high seas which Iran calls “piracy”, while JD Vance has warned Iran of “economic terrorism” in the Strait of Hormuz that affects the whole world.
\nCaught between these two pressures, with cascading implications, are the global energy markets, already strained by disruptions to supply chains involving fuel, fertilisers, animal feed and industrial inputs such as helium and sulphur.
\nThe consequences are systemic, affecting not only oil prices but also food security, agricultural production, and semiconductor manufacturing worldwide. The motherboard of the semiconductor is after all made of plastic derivative.
\nIn this context, the reliance on aerial and satellite imagery by the US is not merely a tactical adjustment — it is compounding the rivalry of great powers and their supply chain. All of which when not handled well leads to demand destruction.
\nFor now the US is signalling its intent to monitor the Iranian vessels without immediately escalating to direct confrontation so far. But as one Japanese proverb affirms “an inch ahead is darkness in politics”. No one knows what will happen, which is why the prices of fuel and LNG remain high.
\nIn summary, the very act of surveillance by the US Navy, especially when directed at vessels bound for major powers such as China and India, risks being interpreted as a precursor to more aggressive actions with all the attendant great power retaliation at the high seas or elsewhere.
\nThis is why diplomacy remains indispensable.
\nThe remarks by Turkish foreign minister Hakan Fidan on April 13 are therefore not to be dismissed lightly.
\nHis assertion that both Iran and the US remain committed to dialogue, rather than confrontation, offers a critical window of opportunity.
\nTurkey’s unique position — maintaining channels with both Washington and Tehran — allows it to serve as a potential intermediary at a time when mistrust runs deep.
\nThe alternative to negotiation is not stability, but escalation through miscalculation.
\nIn an environment where drones replace destroyers and satellites substitute for surveillance ships, the margin for error remains perilously thin.
\nA misinterpreted signal, an intercepted transmission, or an unexpected manoeuvre could rapidly spiral into a broader conflict involving multiple great powers.
\nThus, the Strait of Hormuz today is not only a test of military capability but also of diplomatic maturity.
\nThe US, Iran, China, and India must recognise that their interactions are no longer isolated.
\nEach action reverberates across a tightly interconnected system where energy security, economic stability, and geopolitical rivalry converge.
\nSurveillance may provide clarity, over who’s who and what’s what that are being transported out of the Strait of Hormuz, but it cannot substitute for trust.
\nOnly sustained diplomacy — quiet, persistent, and inclusive — can prevent this fragile equilibrium from collapsing into sheer great power melee and confrontation.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"The intensification of aerial and satellite surveillance over the Strait of Hormuz marks a decisive shift in how great power rivalry can unfold.\nRather than take on each other through direct naval confrontation alone, the big powers can also engage in persistent observation, tracking, and strategic signalling.\nWhat appears, at first glance, as a technical adaptation by the US Navy is, in fact, a profound geopolitical recalibration shaped by vulnerability, deterrence, and economic interdependence.\nAt the heart of this transformation lies a simple but dangerous reality: the Strait of Hormuz is no longer merely a maritime chokepoint.\n\nIt has become a contested surveillance theatre where intelligence gathering risks are interpreted as provocation.\nThe US, acutely aware of the dense network of anti-ship missiles, drones, and swarm tactics employed by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), has found its traditional naval dominance constrained.\nThe proximity required for surface fleet operations in such a narrow waterway — at points barely 21 miles (33.7km) across — renders even the most advanced naval assets susceptible to asymmetric attacks.\nAs a result, Washington has pivoted towards aerial reconnaissance and satellite monitoring as safer alternatives to track Iranian tanker movements.\nYet this shift is not without consequence.\nChina, which imports approximately 13% of its crude oil from Iran for total energy consumption, is not merely a passive observer in this unfolding drama.\nIRCG, for its part, sells up to 90% of its oil exports to Beijing.\nThis deep energy interdependence transforms what might otherwise be a bilateral US-Iran confrontation into a triangular strategic dilemma involving China. How?\nEvery satellite image captured, every drone flight conducted, and every tanker tracked by the US Navy, say, in the Indian Ocean, carries with it the implicit possibility of interception.\nThat’s the US’s interception of Iranian vessels heading for China. Will China just sit and not escort the Iranian vessels to China too? This is now a major question confronting China, the US and Iran.\nThus, should the US move from surveillance to interdiction — whether through sanctions enforcement or physical disruption — it would not only target IRGC’s revenue streams but also directly affect China’s energy security.\nThis is where the geopolitical calculus becomes perilous.\nChina cannot afford to remain neutral if its energy lifelines are threatened.\nThe logic of great power politics dictates that Beijing may be compelled to respond — diplomatically at first, but potentially in more assertive ways — should Washington attempt to interdict vessels bound for Chinese ports.\nChina, after all, has a solitary naval base in Djibouti too. Not that far from Red Sea, the Strait of Hormuz, the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean.\nThe result is a triage of tension in which Iran seeks to sustain its economic survival, the US attempts to enforce strategic pressure, and China strives to secure uninterrupted energy supplies. But that is not all.\nThe situation becomes even more complex with the inclusion of India.\nNew Delhi, another significant importer of Iranian crude, introduces a fourth dimension to this evolving crisis.\nWhile India has historically balanced its relations between Washington and Tehran, any disruption to its energy flows could force it into difficult strategic choices.\nWhat begins as a triangular contest thus evolves into a quadrangular predicament involving Iran, the US, China, and India — each with distinct but overlapping interests.\nTherefore, compounding this dynamic in the Strait of Hormuz is the phenomenon of what might be termed a “double blockade” leading to multiple strategic implications.\nOn one hand, Iran has restricted passage to vessels it deems hostile, selectively allowing tankers from friendly nations such as China and India, even Pakistan and Malaysia to transit.\nOn the other hand, the US has sought to limit Iran’s ability to export oil, whether through sanctions, monitoring, or potential interdiction in high seas which Iran calls “piracy”, while JD Vance has warned Iran of “economic terrorism” in the Strait of Hormuz that affects the whole world.\nCaught between these two pressures, with cascading implications, are the global energy markets, already strained by disruptions to supply chains involving fuel, fertilisers, animal feed and industrial inputs such as helium and sulphur.\nThe consequences are systemic, affecting not only oil prices but also food security, agricultural production, and semiconductor manufacturing worldwide. The motherboard of the semiconductor is after all made of plastic derivative.\nIn this context, the reliance on aerial and satellite imagery by the US is not merely a tactical adjustment — it is compounding the rivalry of great powers and their supply chain. All of which when not handled well leads to demand destruction.\nFor now the US is signalling its intent to monitor the Iranian vessels without immediately escalating to direct confrontation so far. But as one Japanese proverb affirms “an inch ahead is darkness in politics”. No one knows what will happen, which is why the prices of fuel and LNG remain high.\nIn summary, the very act of surveillance by the US Navy, especially when directed at vessels bound for major powers such as China and India, risks being interpreted as a precursor to more aggressive actions with all the attendant great power retaliation at the high seas or elsewhere.\nThis is why diplomacy remains indispensable.\nThe remarks by Turkish foreign minister Hakan Fidan on April 13 are therefore not to be dismissed lightly.\nHis assertion that both Iran and the US remain committed to dialogue, rather than confrontation, offers a critical window of opportunity.\nTurkey’s unique position — maintaining channels with both Washington and Tehran — allows it to serve as a potential intermediary at a time when mistrust runs deep.\nThe alternative to negotiation is not stability, but escalation through miscalculation.\nIn an environment where drones replace destroyers and satellites substitute for surveillance ships, the margin for error remains perilously thin.\nA misinterpreted signal, an intercepted transmission, or an unexpected manoeuvre could rapidly spiral into a broader conflict involving multiple great powers.\nThus, the Strait of Hormuz today is not only a test of military capability but also of diplomatic maturity.\nThe US, Iran, China, and India must recognise that their interactions are no longer isolated.\nEach action reverberates across a tightly interconnected system where energy security, economic stability, and geopolitical rivalry converge.\nSurveillance may provide clarity, over who’s who and what’s what that are being transported out of the Strait of Hormuz, but it cannot substitute for trust.\nOnly sustained diplomacy — quiet, persistent, and inclusive — can prevent this fragile equilibrium from collapsing into sheer great power melee and confrontation.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-19T00:00:34.000Z","author":{"name":"Phar Kim Beng"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","China","India","Iran","satellite","Strait of Hormuz","surveillance","US","US navy"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/191095dc-phar-kim-beng-columnist-eng-latest-040326-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/191095dc-phar-kim-beng-columnist-eng-latest-040326-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/19/investigated-but-not-charged-elite-deviance-and-the-public-trust","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/19/investigated-but-not-charged-elite-deviance-and-the-public-trust","title":"Investigated, but not charged: elite deviance and the public trust","summary":"There is a need for a more nuanced understanding of accountability in contemporary society.","content_html":"![\"Gavel\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/5bceab97-gavel-pexel-pix-210324.jpg\")
From P Sundramoorthy
\nThe recurring spectacle of high-profile individuals being investigated by law enforcement agencies yet ultimately not charged or instead made prosecution witnesses or beneficiaries of deferred prosecution raises profound questions at the intersection of criminology, psychology and public ethics.
\nWhile the legal principle of the presumption of innocence remains paramount, the social and institutional implications of such outcomes are far more complex and deserve careful scrutiny.
\nFrom a criminological standpoint, this phenomenon is best understood through the lens of elite deviance. Elite deviants are individuals who occupy positions of power, influence or prestige and who are alleged to have engaged in unlawful or unethical conduct.
\nUnlike conventional offenders, their actions are often embedded within organisational structures, financial systems or political networks, making detection, investigation and prosecution inherently more difficult. The complexity of such cases frequently results in evidentiary challenges, where proving guilt beyond a reasonable doubt becomes a formidable task.
\nConsequently, legal outcomes such as non-prosecution or negotiated settlements may not necessarily reflect the full moral or social weight of the alleged conduct.
\nIn this context, mechanisms such as deferred prosecution agreements (DPAs) or the strategic use of individuals as prosecution witnesses reflect what may be termed “negotiated justice”. These tools are not without justification. They allow enforcement agencies to secure cooperation, dismantle broader criminal networks and conserve limited prosecutorial resources.
\nHowever, they also contribute to a perception that accountability is unevenly applied. When individuals of high status appear to avoid formal charges while remaining active in public life, people may reasonably question whether justice is being administered equitably or strategically.
\nPsychologically, the persistence of such individuals in positions of social prominence can be explained through several well-established mechanisms.
\nOne is the concept of moral disengagement, where individuals rationalise or justify their behaviour in ways that minimise personal culpability. Closely related are techniques of neutralisation, whereby actions are reframed as necessary, normal or victimless. These cognitive strategies enable individuals to maintain a coherent and positive self-identity, even in the face of serious allegations.
\nEqually significant is the role of status insulation. High-profile individuals often benefit from reputational capital, social networks and institutional affiliations that buffer them against reputational decline. The so-called “halo effect” can lead others to continue perceiving them as credible or respectable particularly in the absence of a formal conviction.
\nAnd such individuals also have other factors working in their favour, namely, the general public tends to forget such cases and the absence of definitive legal findings, which allows such ambiguity to persist.
\nFrom a psychological and societal perspective, the continued public visibility of such individuals often generates a strong perception of moral dissonance. Their confident participation in high-profile events, leadership roles and civic platforms despite having been subjects of serious investigations can be interpreted by the public as a form of moral indifference or reputational resilience.
\nCriminological theory suggests that this may not necessarily reflect an absence of moral awareness but rather the operation of cognitive frameworks such as moral disengagement and neutralisation, whereby individuals rationalise their circumstances and maintain a sense of legitimacy.
\nAt the same time, this outward composure may also be reinforced by social validation within elite networks, creating an environment in which reputational consequences are muted. The result, however, is a widening gap between public expectations of accountability and the perceived conduct of those in positions of influence, further intensifying societal unease and scepticism.
\nYet, the issue extends beyond individual psychology to broader questions of institutional legitimacy.
\nCriminology distinguishes between legal guilt and social legitimacy. The law operates on strict standards of proof, ensuring that individuals are not wrongfully convicted.
\nSociety, however, often evaluates conduct through a wider moral lens, where suspicion, patterns of behaviour and perceived integrity play a role. When there is a visible gap between these two domains, when individuals who have been subject to serious investigations continue to occupy prominent roles without explanation, it can generate public unease and erode trust in institutions.
\nThis leads directly to the central question: should such individuals voluntarily relinquish their positions in NGOs, professional bodies or other prestigious institutions? There is no simple answer. On the one hand, requiring immediate resignation risks undermining the foundational legal principle of innocence until proven guilty. It may also open the door to reputational harm based on incomplete or even unfounded allegations, potentially weaponised for political or personal ends.
\nOn the other hand, positions of public trust carry expectations that extend beyond mere legal compliance. They demand a level of integrity, transparency and accountability that sustains public confidence. From this perspective, it is not unreasonable to expect that individuals who are the subject of serious investigations, even if not charged, should consider stepping aside, at least temporarily. Such actions are not admissions of guilt but acknowledgments of the importance of preserving institutional credibility.
\nA more balanced and rational approach lies in the concept of graduated accountability. Rather than adopting an absolutist stance of either full exoneration or total exclusion, institutions can implement structured responses. These may include temporary leave of absence during investigations, the establishment of independent ethics committees and clear governance frameworks that distinguish between legal outcomes and ethical responsibilities.
\nTransparency in decision-making is crucial, as it reassures the public that due consideration has been given to both fairness and integrity.
\nUltimately, the persistence of this phenomenon reflects deeper structural realities within the criminal justice system. Complex investigations, resource constraints and strategic prosecutorial decisions all shape outcomes in ways that may not align neatly with public expectations. However, when such outcomes consistently appear to favour those in positions of power, they risk fostering perceptions of selective enforcement and systemic inequality.
\nThe issue, therefore, should not be reduced to a simplistic dichotomy of innocence versus guilt, nor should it devolve into calls for indiscriminate social exclusion.
\nInstead, it calls for a more nuanced understanding of accountability in contemporary society. The critical question is not merely whether an individual has been convicted but whether the standards governing positions of public trust are sufficiently robust to maintain confidence in the institutions they represent.
\nThe challenge is to strike a careful balance between protecting individual rights and preserving collective trust. Failure to do so does not only affect the individuals concerned; it undermines the very legitimacy of the systems meant to uphold justice.
\n\n
P Sundramoorthy is a criminologist at the Centre for Policy Research at Universiti Sains Malaysia. He is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From P Sundramoorthy\nThe recurring spectacle of high-profile individuals being investigated by law enforcement agencies yet ultimately not charged or instead made prosecution witnesses or beneficiaries of deferred prosecution raises profound questions at the intersection of criminology, psychology and public ethics.\nWhile the legal principle of the presumption of innocence remains paramount, the social and institutional implications of such outcomes are far more complex and deserve careful scrutiny.\nFrom a criminological standpoint, this phenomenon is best understood through the lens of elite deviance. Elite deviants are individuals who occupy positions of power, influence or prestige and who are alleged to have engaged in unlawful or unethical conduct.\nUnlike conventional offenders, their actions are often embedded within organisational structures, financial systems or political networks, making detection, investigation and prosecution inherently more difficult. The complexity of such cases frequently results in evidentiary challenges, where proving guilt beyond a reasonable doubt becomes a formidable task.\nConsequently, legal outcomes such as non-prosecution or negotiated settlements may not necessarily reflect the full moral or social weight of the alleged conduct.\nIn this context, mechanisms such as deferred prosecution agreements (DPAs) or the strategic use of individuals as prosecution witnesses reflect what may be termed “negotiated justice”. These tools are not without justification. They allow enforcement agencies to secure cooperation, dismantle broader criminal networks and conserve limited prosecutorial resources.\nHowever, they also contribute to a perception that accountability is unevenly applied. When individuals of high status appear to avoid formal charges while remaining active in public life, people may reasonably question whether justice is being administered equitably or strategically.\nPsychologically, the persistence of such individuals in positions of social prominence can be explained through several well-established mechanisms.\nOne is the concept of moral disengagement, where individuals rationalise or justify their behaviour in ways that minimise personal culpability. Closely related are techniques of neutralisation, whereby actions are reframed as necessary, normal or victimless. These cognitive strategies enable individuals to maintain a coherent and positive self-identity, even in the face of serious allegations.\nEqually significant is the role of status insulation. High-profile individuals often benefit from reputational capital, social networks and institutional affiliations that buffer them against reputational decline. The so-called “halo effect” can lead others to continue perceiving them as credible or respectable particularly in the absence of a formal conviction.\nAnd such individuals also have other factors working in their favour, namely, the general public tends to forget such cases and the absence of definitive legal findings, which allows such ambiguity to persist.\nFrom a psychological and societal perspective, the continued public visibility of such individuals often generates a strong perception of moral dissonance. Their confident participation in high-profile events, leadership roles and civic platforms despite having been subjects of serious investigations can be interpreted by the public as a form of moral indifference or reputational resilience.\nCriminological theory suggests that this may not necessarily reflect an absence of moral awareness but rather the operation of cognitive frameworks such as moral disengagement and neutralisation, whereby individuals rationalise their circumstances and maintain a sense of legitimacy.\nAt the same time, this outward composure may also be reinforced by social validation within elite networks, creating an environment in which reputational consequences are muted. The result, however, is a widening gap between public expectations of accountability and the perceived conduct of those in positions of influence, further intensifying societal unease and scepticism.\nYet, the issue extends beyond individual psychology to broader questions of institutional legitimacy.\nCriminology distinguishes between legal guilt and social legitimacy. The law operates on strict standards of proof, ensuring that individuals are not wrongfully convicted.\nSociety, however, often evaluates conduct through a wider moral lens, where suspicion, patterns of behaviour and perceived integrity play a role. When there is a visible gap between these two domains, when individuals who have been subject to serious investigations continue to occupy prominent roles without explanation, it can generate public unease and erode trust in institutions.\nThis leads directly to the central question: should such individuals voluntarily relinquish their positions in NGOs, professional bodies or other prestigious institutions? There is no simple answer. On the one hand, requiring immediate resignation risks undermining the foundational legal principle of innocence until proven guilty. It may also open the door to reputational harm based on incomplete or even unfounded allegations, potentially weaponised for political or personal ends.\nOn the other hand, positions of public trust carry expectations that extend beyond mere legal compliance. They demand a level of integrity, transparency and accountability that sustains public confidence. From this perspective, it is not unreasonable to expect that individuals who are the subject of serious investigations, even if not charged, should consider stepping aside, at least temporarily. Such actions are not admissions of guilt but acknowledgments of the importance of preserving institutional credibility.\nA more balanced and rational approach lies in the concept of graduated accountability. Rather than adopting an absolutist stance of either full exoneration or total exclusion, institutions can implement structured responses. These may include temporary leave of absence during investigations, the establishment of independent ethics committees and clear governance frameworks that distinguish between legal outcomes and ethical responsibilities.\nTransparency in decision-making is crucial, as it reassures the public that due consideration has been given to both fairness and integrity.\nUltimately, the persistence of this phenomenon reflects deeper structural realities within the criminal justice system. Complex investigations, resource constraints and strategic prosecutorial decisions all shape outcomes in ways that may not align neatly with public expectations. However, when such outcomes consistently appear to favour those in positions of power, they risk fostering perceptions of selective enforcement and systemic inequality.\nThe issue, therefore, should not be reduced to a simplistic dichotomy of innocence versus guilt, nor should it devolve into calls for indiscriminate social exclusion.\nInstead, it calls for a more nuanced understanding of accountability in contemporary society. The critical question is not merely whether an individual has been convicted but whether the standards governing positions of public trust are sufficiently robust to maintain confidence in the institutions they represent.\nThe challenge is to strike a careful balance between protecting individual rights and preserving collective trust. Failure to do so does not only affect the individuals concerned; it undermines the very legitimacy of the systems meant to uphold justice.\n \nP Sundramoorthy is a criminologist at the Centre for Policy Research at Universiti Sains Malaysia. He is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-18T23:00:20.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","Court","crime","elite","prosecution witness","public perception"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/5bceab97-gavel-pexel-pix-210324.jpg","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/03/5bceab97-gavel-pexel-pix-210324.jpg"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/forget-the-thomas-cup-olympic-gold-medal","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/forget-the-thomas-cup-olympic-gold-medal","title":"Forget the Thomas Cup, Olympic gold medal","summary":"Top Malaysian players just do not have it to win major titles despite heavy investment from BAM and sponsors.","content_html":"![\"parky\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/b89a03c5-k-parkaran-columnist-240624-1.webp\")
Here’s a piece of advice for Malaysian badminton fans, especially those who watch all the international championships with so much passion.
\nJust relax and enjoy the Thomas and Uber Cup finals to be played from April 24 to May 3. Do not, I repeat, do not have any high expectations.
\nRoot for the nation, but don’t wear your heart on your sleeve.
\nBecause both the men’s Thomas Cup and women’s Uber Cup teams are not going to go far. In fact, Malaysia are unlikely to go the distance in this biennial tournament and may return home early.
\nYou may say I am cruel, but I am not a daydreamer. Let’s get real here.
\nHaving covered all the Badminton World Federation tournaments this year, I will bet anyone that the Thomas Cup is not coming anywhere near our shores anytime soon.
\nThe last time Malaysia won the Thomas Cup was in 1992, which was some 34 years ago. We have never brought the Uber Cup home since its inception in 1957, let alone reach a final. So I will not discuss the chances of our women’s team here because there are only two: slim and none.
\nBut because of the luck of the draw, the women’s shuttlers are in Group B with Japan, Turkey and South Africa. They may reach the quarter-finals by virtue of being the group runners-up, but that’s as far as they will go.
\nAs for the men’s team, they are also in Group B with Japan, England and Finland. Don’t be misled into thinking that they will breeze through to the quarter-finals.
\nOn paper, Malaysia have a chance to top the group or qualify as runners-up and make it to the quarter-finals. But even if they do, they may not get past that stage.
\nInconsistency and lethargy shown by Malaysia’s top shuttlers in recent tournaments, especially the All England Open and recently concluded Badminton Asian Championships, have made it clear that we can forget about winning the Thomas Cup.
\nThe weakest link remains the singles department, where nothing seems to be going right in the last two years.
\nBased on the performances last year and the first four months of this year, the only guaranteed point may come from the men’s doubles pair Aaron Chia–Soh Wooi Yik. But they, too, have faltered occasionally, losing to much lower-ranked pairs.
\nDespite the Badminton Association of Malaysia (BAM) spending huge amounts to bring in top foreign coaches, the players have not shown much improvement.
\nIn contrast, second-tier players from China, South Korea, Indonesia, India, Thailand and Denmark have improved by leaps and bounds.
\nYes, I agree we should give the coaches more time to see results. However, fans have not seen even a semblance of consistent improvement in the players.
\nA case in point is Danish legend Kenneth Jonnasen. He was appointed head singles coach in January last year. That is like 16 months ago, to be exact.
\nBut what do we see?
\nTop player Leong Jun Hao has become a serial first-round loser, exiting in the opening round in 12 tournaments last year, and three of five tournaments this year.
\nSome would have thought that Kenneth’s arrival could have at least seen Jun Hao making it to more quarter-finals and the last four stages. But that was never the case. And it looks like it will never be, looking at his progress.
\nOur second singles player, Justin Hoh, has also not shown much progress, despite the presence of national legend Lee Chong Wei on the BAM council since last August.
\nBAM’s surprise decision to include Lee Zii Jia in the Thomas Cup line-up appears to be aimed at strengthening the third singles slot in a five-match format, where top singles and doubles players are alternated with the third singles kept for the last tie.
\nAlthough bringing in Zii Jia appears to be a strategy to get the winning point if at all the ties go down to the wire, the former national No 1’s return after a six-month layoff due to injuries has not been exactly exciting.
\nHe, too, was a first-round casualty in all but one of the five tournaments he took part in this year.
\nFrankly, he has been losing to too many younger players from other countries, showing that BAM banking on Zii Jia could be a miscalculation.
\nAs for the men’s doubles, Malaysia brought in experienced Indonesian coaches, including Herry Iman Pierngadi, a highly regarded figure in the discipline, who brought much hope to the fans.
\nHowever, this seems to have made no difference at all.
\nAlthough Aaron-Wooi Yik have worked hard, there is an element of inconsistency. The oomph goes missing when it matters the most.
\nIt is, therefore, not surprising that the question of whether highly rated and expensive coaches can make a difference in the performance of national shuttlers is being asked by fans on social media.
\nOr is there a systemic problem in talent scouting and management of developing the sport? Is it in the wrong hands?
\nWe need honest answers here instead of basking in the glory of occasional titles, which are usually not the top ones.
\nLast year, the government allocated RM20 million for the Road to Gold project to produce at least one gold medal winner in the 2028 Olympic Games in the US.
\nWith top and younger players from China, South Korea, Japan and Indonesia showing much improvement and consistency, the Malaysian 2028 Olympic gold medal dream is as good as over in my assessment.
\nBy the looks of it, even securing a bronze seems to be elusive.
\nInstead of taking short-term actions, there is a need for BAM to go back to the drawing board to come up with long-term plans to bring back Malaysia to where they once were on the badminton map.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Here’s a piece of advice for Malaysian badminton fans, especially those who watch all the international championships with so much passion.\nJust relax and enjoy the Thomas and Uber Cup finals to be played from April 24 to May 3. Do not, I repeat, do not have any high expectations.\nRoot for the nation, but don’t wear your heart on your sleeve.\nBecause both the men’s Thomas Cup and women’s Uber Cup teams are not going to go far. In fact, Malaysia are unlikely to go the distance in this biennial tournament and may return home early.\nYou may say I am cruel, but I am not a daydreamer. Let’s get real here.\nHaving covered all the Badminton World Federation tournaments this year, I will bet anyone that the Thomas Cup is not coming anywhere near our shores anytime soon.\nThe last time Malaysia won the Thomas Cup was in 1992, which was some 34 years ago. We have never brought the Uber Cup home since its inception in 1957, let alone reach a final. So I will not discuss the chances of our women's team here because there are only two: slim and none.\nBut because of the luck of the draw, the women's shuttlers are in Group B with Japan, Turkey and South Africa. They may reach the quarter-finals by virtue of being the group runners-up, but that’s as far as they will go.\nAs for the men’s team, they are also in Group B with Japan, England and Finland. Don’t be misled into thinking that they will breeze through to the quarter-finals.\nOn paper, Malaysia have a chance to top the group or qualify as runners-up and make it to the quarter-finals. But even if they do, they may not get past that stage.\nInconsistency and lethargy shown by Malaysia’s top shuttlers in recent tournaments, especially the All England Open and recently concluded Badminton Asian Championships, have made it clear that we can forget about winning the Thomas Cup.\nThe weakest link remains the singles department, where nothing seems to be going right in the last two years.\nBased on the performances last year and the first four months of this year, the only guaranteed point may come from the men’s doubles pair Aaron Chia–Soh Wooi Yik. But they, too, have faltered occasionally, losing to much lower-ranked pairs.\nDespite the Badminton Association of Malaysia (BAM) spending huge amounts to bring in top foreign coaches, the players have not shown much improvement.\nIn contrast, second-tier players from China, South Korea, Indonesia, India, Thailand and Denmark have improved by leaps and bounds.\nYes, I agree we should give the coaches more time to see results. However, fans have not seen even a semblance of consistent improvement in the players.\nA case in point is Danish legend Kenneth Jonnasen. He was appointed head singles coach in January last year. That is like 16 months ago, to be exact.\nBut what do we see?\nTop player Leong Jun Hao has become a serial first-round loser, exiting in the opening round in 12 tournaments last year, and three of five tournaments this year.\nSome would have thought that Kenneth's arrival could have at least seen Jun Hao making it to more quarter-finals and the last four stages. But that was never the case. And it looks like it will never be, looking at his progress.\nOur second singles player, Justin Hoh, has also not shown much progress, despite the presence of national legend Lee Chong Wei on the BAM council since last August.\nBAM's surprise decision to include Lee Zii Jia in the Thomas Cup line-up appears to be aimed at strengthening the third singles slot in a five-match format, where top singles and doubles players are alternated with the third singles kept for the last tie.\nAlthough bringing in Zii Jia appears to be a strategy to get the winning point if at all the ties go down to the wire, the former national No 1’s return after a six-month layoff due to injuries has not been exactly exciting.\nHe, too, was a first-round casualty in all but one of the five tournaments he took part in this year.\nFrankly, he has been losing to too many younger players from other countries, showing that BAM banking on Zii Jia could be a miscalculation.\nAs for the men’s doubles, Malaysia brought in experienced Indonesian coaches, including Herry Iman Pierngadi, a highly regarded figure in the discipline, who brought much hope to the fans.\nHowever, this seems to have made no difference at all.\nAlthough Aaron-Wooi Yik have worked hard, there is an element of inconsistency. The oomph goes missing when it matters the most.\nIt is, therefore, not surprising that the question of whether highly rated and expensive coaches can make a difference in the performance of national shuttlers is being asked by fans on social media.\nOr is there a systemic problem in talent scouting and management of developing the sport? Is it in the wrong hands?\nWe need honest answers here instead of basking in the glory of occasional titles, which are usually not the top ones.\nLast year, the government allocated RM20 million for the Road to Gold project to produce at least one gold medal winner in the 2028 Olympic Games in the US.\nWith top and younger players from China, South Korea, Japan and Indonesia showing much improvement and consistency, the Malaysian 2028 Olympic gold medal dream is as good as over in my assessment.\nBy the looks of it, even securing a bronze seems to be elusive.\nInstead of taking short-term actions, there is a need for BAM to go back to the drawing board to come up with long-term plans to bring back Malaysia to where they once were on the badminton map.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-18T04:00:24.000Z","author":{"name":"K. Parkaran"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Sports","Badminton","Top Sports","BAM","Olympics","Thomas Cup","Uber Cup"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/b89a03c5-k-parkaran-columnist-240624-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/b89a03c5-k-parkaran-columnist-240624-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/malaysia-athletics-must-rebuild-from-the-ground-up","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/malaysia-athletics-must-rebuild-from-the-ground-up","title":"Malaysia Athletics must rebuild from the ground up","summary":"The current crisis reflects a deeper problem — a system that has long neglected performance, planning and athlete development.","content_html":"![\"atlet](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/40643829-atlet-olahraga-kesatuan-olahraga-malaysia-fb-170426.webp\")
From Suhaimi Sun
\nMalaysia’s athletics system is nearing a breaking point. Continuing with the status quo is no longer an option.
\nWhat we are seeing today is not just administrative weakness. It is a systemic failure, one that risks costing our athletes their future.
\nThe core issue is leadership.
\nFor too long, athletics governance has been shaped by politics, personal interests and individuals without real high-performance experience.
\nWhen leadership is disconnected from elite sport, the system falters. Decisions lose direction, development stalls, and athletes are left navigating uncertainty instead of progressing with confidence.
\nAthletics is not ceremonial. It is not a platform for titles or influence. It is a results-driven discipline that demands technical expertise, structured planning and a deep commitment to athlete development.
\nWithout these, no amount of funding or raw talent will deliver sustained success.
\nMalaysia needs a full reset at both state and national levels.
\nThis reset must rest on four pillars.
\nFirst, sports science must become the foundation, not an afterthought. Modern athletics depends on strength and conditioning, biomechanics, nutrition, recovery and data.
\nWithout this ecosystem, our athletes compete at a disadvantage.
\nSecond, development must begin broadly. Young athletes need strong fundamentals — coordination, speed, agility and overall athleticism — before specialising. This builds resilience and reduces injury.
\nThird, Malaysia must adopt a clear long-term athlete development pathway. From grassroots to elite, each stage must be defined, resourced and applied consistently.
\nRight now, that pathway remains fragmented, and talent is lost along the way.
\nFourth, we need an eight-year Olympic blueprint across two cycles. The first cycle should focus on talent identification, coaching and exposure. The second must target performance and podium outcomes.
\nThis plan must include clear accountability and continuity, regardless of leadership changes.
\nMost importantly, leadership must be based on merit.
\nPositions should go to those with proven expertise in high-performance sport, not political connections or administrative convenience.
\nGovernance must be transparent, accountable and aligned with athlete outcomes.
\nAthletes must return to the centre of the system. Their development, welfare and performance should guide every decision.
\nThe cost of inaction is clear. We risk losing a generation of talent. We risk falling further behind. And we risk accepting mediocrity in a sport that demands excellence.
\nThis moment calls for more than minor adjustments. It requires decisive reform and the courage to rebuild a system grounded in competence, science and long-term vision.
\nMalaysia has the talent. What it needs is a system that can finally support it.
\n\n
Suhaimi Sun is a sports grassroots advocate and an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Suhaimi Sun\nMalaysia’s athletics system is nearing a breaking point. Continuing with the status quo is no longer an option.\nWhat we are seeing today is not just administrative weakness. It is a systemic failure, one that risks costing our athletes their future.\nThe core issue is leadership.\nFor too long, athletics governance has been shaped by politics, personal interests and individuals without real high-performance experience.\nWhen leadership is disconnected from elite sport, the system falters. Decisions lose direction, development stalls, and athletes are left navigating uncertainty instead of progressing with confidence.\nAthletics is not ceremonial. It is not a platform for titles or influence. It is a results-driven discipline that demands technical expertise, structured planning and a deep commitment to athlete development.\nWithout these, no amount of funding or raw talent will deliver sustained success.\nMalaysia needs a full reset at both state and national levels.\nThis reset must rest on four pillars.\nFirst, sports science must become the foundation, not an afterthought. Modern athletics depends on strength and conditioning, biomechanics, nutrition, recovery and data.\nWithout this ecosystem, our athletes compete at a disadvantage.\nSecond, development must begin broadly. Young athletes need strong fundamentals — coordination, speed, agility and overall athleticism — before specialising. This builds resilience and reduces injury.\nThird, Malaysia must adopt a clear long-term athlete development pathway. From grassroots to elite, each stage must be defined, resourced and applied consistently.\nRight now, that pathway remains fragmented, and talent is lost along the way.\nFourth, we need an eight-year Olympic blueprint across two cycles. The first cycle should focus on talent identification, coaching and exposure. The second must target performance and podium outcomes.\nThis plan must include clear accountability and continuity, regardless of leadership changes.\nMost importantly, leadership must be based on merit.\nPositions should go to those with proven expertise in high-performance sport, not political connections or administrative convenience.\nGovernance must be transparent, accountable and aligned with athlete outcomes.\nAthletes must return to the centre of the system. Their development, welfare and performance should guide every decision.\nThe cost of inaction is clear. We risk losing a generation of talent. We risk falling further behind. And we risk accepting mediocrity in a sport that demands excellence.\nThis moment calls for more than minor adjustments. It requires decisive reform and the courage to rebuild a system grounded in competence, science and long-term vision.\nMalaysia has the talent. What it needs is a system that can finally support it.\n \nSuhaimi Sun is a sports grassroots advocate and an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-18T01:30:33.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","Sports","Top Sports","Athlete Development","Grassroots Sports","High Performance Sport","malaysia athletics","Sports Governance"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/40643829-atlet-olahraga-kesatuan-olahraga-malaysia-fb-170426.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/40643829-atlet-olahraga-kesatuan-olahraga-malaysia-fb-170426.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/percaturan-hamzah-dan-kesannya-pada-pas-dan-rakyat","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/percaturan-hamzah-dan-kesannya-pada-pas-dan-rakyat","title":"Kesan percaturan politik Hamzah kepada PAS, rakyat","summary":"Potensi dan ancaman Hamzah Zainudin mungkin menjelaskan mengapa PN yang kini diterajui PAS melengah-lengahkan pelantikan ketua pembangkang.","content_html":"
Apabila Hamzah Zainudin si timbalan presiden Bersatu dipecat pada Februari lalu, ramai menantikan apakah percaturan beliau seterusnya.
\nPada satu ketika, beliau kelihatan hampir pasti mengambil alih kemudi sebuah parti kerdil, menjenamakannya semula, dan akhirnya mengiringi Perikatan Nasional (PN).
\nCumanya bermula dari bawah tanpa ‘abang long’ mungkin suatu masalah.
\nBersatu pimpinan Dr Mahathir Mohamad melangkah ke gelanggang menaiki tangga Pakatan Harapan. Kewibawaan seorang bekas perdana menteri serta rasa tidak puas hati yang meluas terhadap Najib Razak memberikan momentum yang diperlukan.
\n\nJika Hamzah mahu melancarkan wadah baharu, beliau mungkin akan cuba menggunakan strategi sama — di bawah ketiak PAS sebagai ‘abang long’. Masalahnya Muhyiddin Yassin, yang Hamzah sendiri isytihar musuh nombor satu, berkemungkinan besar akan menghalang.
\nMuhyiddin mungkin akan mengancam untuk menarik Bersatu keluar PN sebagai tanda protes jika Hamzah dibawa masuk.
\nPAS pula berkemungkinan besar tidak mahu perkara itu berlaku kerana mereka masih memerlukan Bersatu sebagai pengimbang, meskipun PAS mungkin tidak memerlukan Muhyiddin. Selain itu, PAS juga memerlukan Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat yang ditubuhkan oleh Muhyiddin.
\nKesimpulannya, PAS akan rugi besar jika Bersatu meninggalkan PN.
\nLagipun, menjadikan PAS sebagai ‘abang long’ mungkin berisiko bagi Hamzah dan sekutunya.
\nPertamanya, PAS akan mendominasi rundingan kerusi. PAS memiliki pengaruh yang cukup besar untuk menentukan pengagihan kerusi dalam kalangan komponen PN, memandangkan ia menduduki kerusi terbanyak.
\nMaka, boleh diandaikan PAS akan membolot sebahagian besar kerusi yang berpotensi menang, dan menyerahkan kerusi yang ‘kureng’ kepada sekutu, termasuk parti baharu Hamzah.
\nSebagai alternatif, Hamzah dan kumpulannya boleh menyertai PAS, tetapi itu juga mengundang risiko kepada kedua-dua belah pihak.
\nAhli Parlimen Larut itu tidak lagi akan berada dalam kedudukan berkuasa dan mungkin mengalami nasib yang sama seperti bekas orang kuat Umno, Annuar Musa — kini sekadar jurucakap tanpa kuasa sebenar.
\nPolitik Melayu berputar sekitar sokongan akar umbi dan kesetiaan kepada pemimpin, dan — selain Islam — ia kekurangan asas ideologi yang jelas.
\nHamzah dan sekutu kelihatan kurang terdedah pada tradisi islah yang diperjuangkan oleh Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (Abim), Pertubuhan Ikram Malaysia (Ikram), dan, pada satu ketika dahulu, PAS.
\nJusteru, di mana letak duduk beliau dalam naratif islah?
\nApa yang diperlukan seseorang untuk meyakinkan orang Melayu bahawa dia benar-benar meletakkan akhirat mengatasi segala-galanya bukanlah jersi hijau dan kopiah.
\nAdakah beliau kelak akan menyisipkan ayat-ayat Al-Quran dalam ucapannya bagi membuktikan bahawa beliau layak mendapat sokongan pengundi Melayu?
\nPenyertaan Hamzah ke dalam PAS juga boleh memudaratkan parti itu.
\nBekas menteri dalam negeri itu bukanlah ahli politik yang kecewa dan menaruh dendam kerana kehilangan jawatan, beliau seorang operator licik dan berupaya memimpin pengikut yang setia.
\nKelompok ulama dalam PAS amat menyedari perkara ini. Walaupun Hamzah bukan ancaman sekarang, keberadaan beliau boleh menyuntik keberanian dalam kalangan kelompok profesional untuk mencabar golongan ulama pada satu ketika nanti.
\nOleh itu, mengalu-alukan kehadirannya ke dalam saf kepimpinan boleh memakan diri.
\nSebanyak mana Hamzah boleh membantu pembangkang mencabar PH dan Barisan Nasional dalam pilihan raya, beliau juga berpotensi menjadi watak yang melemahkan penguasaan kelompok ulama.
\nDari sudut lain, Hamzah boleh menjadi penyederhana untuk mengimbangi golongan keras dalam pembangkang, dan ini akan memberi petanda baik bagi rakyat dalam jangka masa panjang.
\nPotensi dan ancaman Hamzah, sekiranya beliau memilih untuk menyertai PAS, mungkin menjelaskan mengapa PN yang kini diterajui PAS melengah-lengahkan pelantikan ketua pembangkang baharu.
\nJusteru, menuduh PAS dilanda ketidakpastian atau melabelnya sebagai parti tanpa hala tuju adalah salah. Kelakuan PAS adalah suatu strategi, dengan menunggu.
\nTidak mustahil PAS akan ketawa akhirnya — apabila ia menyerap Hamzah dan kumpulan pemberontak dalam Bersatu sambil mengekalkan Bersatu dalam PN.
\nRakyat hanya perlu menonton drama ini.
\nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Apabila Hamzah Zainudin si timbalan presiden Bersatu dipecat pada Februari lalu, ramai menantikan apakah percaturan beliau seterusnya.\nPada satu ketika, beliau kelihatan hampir pasti mengambil alih kemudi sebuah parti kerdil, menjenamakannya semula, dan akhirnya mengiringi Perikatan Nasional (PN).\nCumanya bermula dari bawah tanpa 'abang long' mungkin suatu masalah.\nBersatu pimpinan Dr Mahathir Mohamad melangkah ke gelanggang menaiki tangga Pakatan Harapan. Kewibawaan seorang bekas perdana menteri serta rasa tidak puas hati yang meluas terhadap Najib Razak memberikan momentum yang diperlukan.\n\nJika Hamzah mahu melancarkan wadah baharu, beliau mungkin akan cuba menggunakan strategi sama - di bawah ketiak PAS sebagai 'abang long'. Masalahnya Muhyiddin Yassin, yang Hamzah sendiri isytihar musuh nombor satu, berkemungkinan besar akan menghalang.\nMuhyiddin mungkin akan mengancam untuk menarik Bersatu keluar PN sebagai tanda protes jika Hamzah dibawa masuk.\nPAS pula berkemungkinan besar tidak mahu perkara itu berlaku kerana mereka masih memerlukan Bersatu sebagai pengimbang, meskipun PAS mungkin tidak memerlukan Muhyiddin. Selain itu, PAS juga memerlukan Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat yang ditubuhkan oleh Muhyiddin.\nKesimpulannya, PAS akan rugi besar jika Bersatu meninggalkan PN.\nLagipun, menjadikan PAS sebagai 'abang long' mungkin berisiko bagi Hamzah dan sekutunya.\nPertamanya, PAS akan mendominasi rundingan kerusi. PAS memiliki pengaruh yang cukup besar untuk menentukan pengagihan kerusi dalam kalangan komponen PN, memandangkan ia menduduki kerusi terbanyak.\nMaka, boleh diandaikan PAS akan membolot sebahagian besar kerusi yang berpotensi menang, dan menyerahkan kerusi yang 'kureng' kepada sekutu, termasuk parti baharu Hamzah.\nSebagai alternatif, Hamzah dan kumpulannya boleh menyertai PAS, tetapi itu juga mengundang risiko kepada kedua-dua belah pihak.\nAhli Parlimen Larut itu tidak lagi akan berada dalam kedudukan berkuasa dan mungkin mengalami nasib yang sama seperti bekas orang kuat Umno, Annuar Musa - kini sekadar jurucakap tanpa kuasa sebenar.\nPolitik Melayu berputar sekitar sokongan akar umbi dan kesetiaan kepada pemimpin, dan - selain Islam - ia kekurangan asas ideologi yang jelas.\nHamzah dan sekutu kelihatan kurang terdedah pada tradisi islah yang diperjuangkan oleh Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (Abim), Pertubuhan Ikram Malaysia (Ikram), dan, pada satu ketika dahulu, PAS.\nJusteru, di mana letak duduk beliau dalam naratif islah?\nApa yang diperlukan seseorang untuk meyakinkan orang Melayu bahawa dia benar-benar meletakkan akhirat mengatasi segala-galanya bukanlah jersi hijau dan kopiah.\nAdakah beliau kelak akan menyisipkan ayat-ayat Al-Quran dalam ucapannya bagi membuktikan bahawa beliau layak mendapat sokongan pengundi Melayu?\nPenyertaan Hamzah ke dalam PAS juga boleh memudaratkan parti itu.\nBekas menteri dalam negeri itu bukanlah ahli politik yang kecewa dan menaruh dendam kerana kehilangan jawatan, beliau seorang operator licik dan berupaya memimpin pengikut yang setia.\nKelompok ulama dalam PAS amat menyedari perkara ini. Walaupun Hamzah bukan ancaman sekarang, keberadaan beliau boleh menyuntik keberanian dalam kalangan kelompok profesional untuk mencabar golongan ulama pada satu ketika nanti.\nOleh itu, mengalu-alukan kehadirannya ke dalam saf kepimpinan boleh memakan diri.\nSebanyak mana Hamzah boleh membantu pembangkang mencabar PH dan Barisan Nasional dalam pilihan raya, beliau juga berpotensi menjadi watak yang melemahkan penguasaan kelompok ulama.\nDari sudut lain, Hamzah boleh menjadi penyederhana untuk mengimbangi golongan keras dalam pembangkang, dan ini akan memberi petanda baik bagi rakyat dalam jangka masa panjang.\nPotensi dan ancaman Hamzah, sekiranya beliau memilih untuk menyertai PAS, mungkin menjelaskan mengapa PN yang kini diterajui PAS melengah-lengahkan pelantikan ketua pembangkang baharu.\nJusteru, menuduh PAS dilanda ketidakpastian atau melabelnya sebagai parti tanpa hala tuju adalah salah. Kelakuan PAS adalah suatu strategi, dengan menunggu.\nTidak mustahil PAS akan ketawa akhirnya - apabila ia menyerap Hamzah dan kumpulan pemberontak dalam Bersatu sambil mengekalkan Bersatu dalam PN.\nRakyat hanya perlu menonton drama ini.\nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-18T00:30:20.000Z","author":{"name":"Tajuddin Rasdi"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Bersatu","Hamzah Zainudin","PAS","PN","Tajuddin Rasdi"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/834e932d-tajuddin-rasdi-columnist-bm-060524.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/05/834e932d-tajuddin-rasdi-columnist-bm-060524.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/hamzahs-next-move-what-it-means-for-pas-pn-and-malaysians","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/hamzahs-next-move-what-it-means-for-pas-pn-and-malaysians","title":"Hamzah’s next move: what it means for PAS, PN and Malaysians","summary":"The potential, and threat, that Hamzah Zainudin brings to the table may well explain why PAS is dragging its feet over naming a new opposition leader.","content_html":"
When Hamzah Zainudin, Bersatu’s deputy president, was sacked in February, all eyes were fixed on his next move.
\nAt one point in time, it appeared certain that he would seize control of an obscure party, rebrand it, and eventually align it with Perikatan Nasional.
\nExcept for one major issue: starting afresh without a “big brother” may turn out to be problematic.
\nDr Mahathir Mohamad’s Bersatu rose swiftly to prominence through its partnership with Pakatan Harapan. The former prime minister’s stature, and widespread discontent toward Najib Razak, gave the party the momentum it needed.
\nIf Hamzah were to launch a new outfit, he might attempt a similar strategy—by positioning PAS as the “big brother.” The problem is Muhyiddin Yassin, Hamzah’s self-proclaimed number one enemy, who is likely to stand in his way.
\n\nMuhyiddin may even threaten to pull Bersatu out of PN in protest if Hamzah were to be brought in.
\nPAS is unlikely to want that as it still needs Bersatu for political balance, even if the party has little need for Muhyiddin himself. On top of that, PAS would also need Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat, which Muhyiddin set up.
\nIn essence, PAS has a lot more to lose if Bersatu quits PN.
\nMaking PAS a “big brother” may also be a risky move for Hamzah and his allies.
\nFor one, PAS would dominate seat negotiations. With the lion’s share of parliamentary seats, the party wields enough clout to dictate how seats are allocated among the PN components.
\nIt is safe to assume PAS will grab most of the winnable seats and hand its allies, including Hamzah’s new party, the less favourable ones.
\nAlternatively, Hamzah and his posse could join PAS, but even that comes with risks for both sides.
\nThe Larut MP would no longer be in a position of power and may suffer the same fate as former Umno man, Annuar Musa—these days a spokesman with no real authority.
\nMalay politics revolves around grassroots support and loyalty to leaders, and—apart from Islam—lacks a distinct ideological foundation.
\nHowever, Hamzah and his allies appear to have little exposure to the Islamic reformist tradition championed by the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement (Abim), Pertubuhan Ikram Malaysia (Ikram), and, at one time, PAS.
\nHow then would he fit into this narrative?
\nIt would require far more than donning a green jersey and a skullcap to convince Malay voters that one truly prioritises the hereafter above all else.
\nWould he also now be expected to weave Quranic verses into his speeches to prove he is indeed worthy of support from Malay voters?
\nHamzah joining PAS could also prove detrimental to the party itself.
\nUnlike a jilted politician nursing grievances over a lost post, the former home minister is a street‑smart operator with the ability to command a loyal following.
\nThe ulama faction in PAS is well aware of this. While Hamzah may not pose an immediate threat, his presence could embolden the party’s professional faction to challenge the clerics at some point.
\nSo, welcoming him into the fold could turn out to be a double‑edged sword.
\nAs much as Hamzah could help the opposition mount a serious challenge against PH and Barisan Nasional at the polls, he could potentially turn out to be the very agent that weakens the ulama faction’s stranglehold on the party.
\nOn the flip side, Hamzah could be a moderating force to counter religious hardliners in the opposition, which would augur well for Malaysians in the long run.
\nThe potential—and the threat—that Hamzah brings to the table, should he choose to join PAS instead of forming his own party, may well explain why PAS-led PN is dragging its feet over naming a new opposition leader.
\nIn the circumstances, it would be wrong to accuse PAS of being plagued by uncertainty or to label it a directionless party. It is simply being strategic by playing the waiting game.
\nIn the end, PAS may well have the last laugh—by being able to absorb Hamzah and his coterie of Bersatu rebels while keeping Bersatu in PN.
\nMalaysians will just have to sit back and watch the drama unfold.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"When Hamzah Zainudin, Bersatu’s deputy president, was sacked in February, all eyes were fixed on his next move.\nAt one point in time, it appeared certain that he would seize control of an obscure party, rebrand it, and eventually align it with Perikatan Nasional.\nExcept for one major issue: starting afresh without a “big brother” may turn out to be problematic.\nDr Mahathir Mohamad’s Bersatu rose swiftly to prominence through its partnership with Pakatan Harapan. The former prime minister’s stature, and widespread discontent toward Najib Razak, gave the party the momentum it needed.\nIf Hamzah were to launch a new outfit, he might attempt a similar strategy—by positioning PAS as the “big brother.” The problem is Muhyiddin Yassin, Hamzah’s self-proclaimed number one enemy, who is likely to stand in his way.\n\nMuhyiddin may even threaten to pull Bersatu out of PN in protest if Hamzah were to be brought in.\nPAS is unlikely to want that as it still needs Bersatu for political balance, even if the party has little need for Muhyiddin himself. On top of that, PAS would also need Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat, which Muhyiddin set up.\nIn essence, PAS has a lot more to lose if Bersatu quits PN.\nMaking PAS a “big brother” may also be a risky move for Hamzah and his allies.\nFor one, PAS would dominate seat negotiations. With the lion’s share of parliamentary seats, the party wields enough clout to dictate how seats are allocated among the PN components.\nIt is safe to assume PAS will grab most of the winnable seats and hand its allies, including Hamzah’s new party, the less favourable ones.\nAlternatively, Hamzah and his posse could join PAS, but even that comes with risks for both sides.\nThe Larut MP would no longer be in a position of power and may suffer the same fate as former Umno man, Annuar Musa—these days a spokesman with no real authority.\nMalay politics revolves around grassroots support and loyalty to leaders, and—apart from Islam—lacks a distinct ideological foundation.\nHowever, Hamzah and his allies appear to have little exposure to the Islamic reformist tradition championed by the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement (Abim), Pertubuhan Ikram Malaysia (Ikram), and, at one time, PAS.\nHow then would he fit into this narrative?\nIt would require far more than donning a green jersey and a skullcap to convince Malay voters that one truly prioritises the hereafter above all else.\nWould he also now be expected to weave Quranic verses into his speeches to prove he is indeed worthy of support from Malay voters?\nHamzah joining PAS could also prove detrimental to the party itself.\nUnlike a jilted politician nursing grievances over a lost post, the former home minister is a street‑smart operator with the ability to command a loyal following.\nThe ulama faction in PAS is well aware of this. While Hamzah may not pose an immediate threat, his presence could embolden the party’s professional faction to challenge the clerics at some point.\nSo, welcoming him into the fold could turn out to be a double‑edged sword.\nAs much as Hamzah could help the opposition mount a serious challenge against PH and Barisan Nasional at the polls, he could potentially turn out to be the very agent that weakens the ulama faction’s stranglehold on the party.\nOn the flip side, Hamzah could be a moderating force to counter religious hardliners in the opposition, which would augur well for Malaysians in the long run.\nThe potential—and the threat—that Hamzah brings to the table, should he choose to join PAS instead of forming his own party, may well explain why PAS-led PN is dragging its feet over naming a new opposition leader.\nIn the circumstances, it would be wrong to accuse PAS of being plagued by uncertainty or to label it a directionless party. It is simply being strategic by playing the waiting game.\nIn the end, PAS may well have the last laugh—by being able to absorb Hamzah and his coterie of Bersatu rebels while keeping Bersatu in PN.\nMalaysians will just have to sit back and watch the drama unfold.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-18T00:30:15.000Z","author":{"name":"Tajuddin Rasdi"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Hamzah Zainudin","Opposition","PAS","Politics"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2362bb58-tajuddin-rasdi-new-columnist-eng-150724-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/2362bb58-tajuddin-rasdi-new-columnist-eng-150724-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/klang-accident-out-of-tragedy-some-radical-good","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/klang-accident-out-of-tragedy-some-radical-good","title":"Klang accident: out of tragedy, some radical good","summary":"The Klang accident, which resulted in an uproar and a murder charge, has spurred government ministers, the attorney-general and even the courts to further embrace restorative justice.","content_html":"
In the 1972 Tamil movie “Neethi” (Justice), a lorry driver under the influence of alcohol knocks and kills a farmer. He pleads guilty in court. But instead of sending him to jail, the judge decides to do an experiment.
\nNoting that the farmer was the sole breadwinner of his family and was survived by a widow, two young children, aged parents, and a sister, the judge orders Raja, the character played by legendary thespian Sivaji Ganesen, to stay with the family for two years and take care of its financial needs.
\nThe rest of the story is about how the widow hates him, how the villagers shun him and how he subsequently accepts his position and works hard to care for the family. After some dramatic twists and turns, the movie ends with the family forgiving and accepting him.
\nThe movie impressed me; I thought it was better than incarcerating an offender at the taxpayers’ expense while the victim’s family suffered in silence.
\nI was reminded of this movie after reading a report in FMT on March 30 quoting transport minister Loke Siew Fook as saying his ministry had proposed amendments to the Road Transport Act 1987 to compel offenders to pay compensation to victims’ families, in addition to existing custodial sentences.
\nThis, he said, was to ease the burden of victims’ families. “Right now, the avenue for the victim’s family is through civil action, which is tedious, time-consuming, and involves costs,” he said.
\nLoke said this following a March 29 fatal crash in Klang where motorcyclist Amirul Hafiz Omar, 33, was killed after being hit by a car driven by R Sakthygaanapathy, 28.
\nSaktygaanapathy was subsequently charged with murder in the magistrates’ court but no plea was recorded as murder cases fall under the High Court’s jurisdiction. However, he pleaded guilty to another charge of self-administering drugs under the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.
\nThen, on April 15, attorney-general Dusuki Mokhtar ordered all deputy public prosecutors to apply to the courts to order compensation for the victims of crimes, including those killed by those driving under the influence.
\nDusuki said Section 426 of the Criminal Procedure Code gave the courts the authority to order convicts to make a payment of costs for prosecution, and compensation to victims or their next of kin.
\n“That order can be made on top of a sentence, for the purpose of compensating the aggrieved party.”
\nWhat Loke has proposed and what Dusuki has said reflect what has come to be known as restorative justice, something that has gained traction in recent years.
\nRather than ask how the perpetrator is to be punished, restorative justice asks what harm has been caused, the needs of those affected and how best to make things right for both offender and survivors.
\nIt may sound new but restorative justice is probably as old as the hills. Only the term is new. Many indigenous cultures practised it, including the Maoris, Sami of Scandinavia, Babylonians, Arabs, Greeks and Indians. It was also practised in South East Asia.
\nThe world is finally beginning to see the wisdom of the ancients, now that the weaknesses of the retributive or punitive legal system are clearer. We are – again – realising that the families of victims are important and their needs should be addressed; that jailing the perpetrator is not enough.
\nI certainly think it makes sense to give equal, if not more, focus to “what harm was caused and how it can be repaired” and not just “what law was broken?”
\nOn April 15 too, the courts decided to leap into the restorative justice fray, although not for the first time.
\nFMT reported that the Kuala Terengganu High Court had reduced a maintenance worker’s jail term from seven years to 10 months after allowing his appeal over the assault of his late nephew.
\nIn doing so, Judicial Commissioner Yusrin Faidz Yusoff ordered Zaidi Taib to pay RM25,000 in compensation to the victim’s family.
\nNoting that first-time offenders like Zaidi were “generally entitled to some leniency, particularly where there are prospects of rehabilitation”, he said the widow had also wanted to settle the case amicably..
\n“The accused is willing to pay RM25,000 compensation to them as a gesture of remorse and reconciliation,” Yusrin said, adding that the offer of compensation demonstrated genuine remorse and an effort to repair harm within a family context.
\nZaidi was convicted under Section 326A of the Penal Code for assaulting his nephew, Khairuddin Rani, on Feb 2, 2023, outside a house in Kampung Durian Mas Manir. Khairuddin has since died.
\nIt is clear that the Klang accident has invigorated government ministers and the attorney-general’s chambers to journey deeper into the arena of restorative justice. It appears that even the court has been motivated to lend a hand. This is to be welcomed.
\nIt is clear too that from the concern shown for the widow and family of Amirul Hafiz, Malaysians will be receptive to such a move.
\nIt means the needs of victims or their families will now be a major factor in how deputy public prosecutors fight their cases and how the courts decide.
\nDrivers would likely take extra precautions on the road, now that they’ll have to pay compensation on top of other penalties or sentences. It could work as most people worry more about their money than their health.
\nIt may also persuade anyone with criminal intentions to think twice. Above all, this is a win for the long-overlooked victims, or families of victims, of crimes and accidents.
\nThis is, therefore, not only a new direction for justice in Malaysia, it is a radical move
\nIt shows again that even out of tragedy, some good can come.
\nNEXT: Beware the two-edged sword
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"In the 1972 Tamil movie “Neethi” (Justice), a lorry driver under the influence of alcohol knocks and kills a farmer. He pleads guilty in court. But instead of sending him to jail, the judge decides to do an experiment.\nNoting that the farmer was the sole breadwinner of his family and was survived by a widow, two young children, aged parents, and a sister, the judge orders Raja, the character played by legendary thespian Sivaji Ganesen, to stay with the family for two years and take care of its financial needs.\nThe rest of the story is about how the widow hates him, how the villagers shun him and how he subsequently accepts his position and works hard to care for the family. After some dramatic twists and turns, the movie ends with the family forgiving and accepting him.\nThe movie impressed me; I thought it was better than incarcerating an offender at the taxpayers' expense while the victim's family suffered in silence.\nI was reminded of this movie after reading a report in FMT on March 30 quoting transport minister Loke Siew Fook as saying his ministry had proposed amendments to the Road Transport Act 1987 to compel offenders to pay compensation to victims’ families, in addition to existing custodial sentences.\nThis, he said, was to ease the burden of victims’ families. “Right now, the avenue for the victim’s family is through civil action, which is tedious, time-consuming, and involves costs,” he said.\nLoke said this following a March 29 fatal crash in Klang where motorcyclist Amirul Hafiz Omar, 33, was killed after being hit by a car driven by R Sakthygaanapathy, 28.\nSaktygaanapathy was subsequently charged with murder in the magistrates’ court but no plea was recorded as murder cases fall under the High Court’s jurisdiction. However, he pleaded guilty to another charge of self-administering drugs under the Dangerous Drugs Act 1952.\nThen, on April 15, attorney-general Dusuki Mokhtar ordered all deputy public prosecutors to apply to the courts to order compensation for the victims of crimes, including those killed by those driving under the influence.\nDusuki said Section 426 of the Criminal Procedure Code gave the courts the authority to order convicts to make a payment of costs for prosecution, and compensation to victims or their next of kin.\n“That order can be made on top of a sentence, for the purpose of compensating the aggrieved party.”\nWhat Loke has proposed and what Dusuki has said reflect what has come to be known as restorative justice, something that has gained traction in recent years.\nRather than ask how the perpetrator is to be punished, restorative justice asks what harm has been caused, the needs of those affected and how best to make things right for both offender and survivors.\nIt may sound new but restorative justice is probably as old as the hills. Only the term is new. Many indigenous cultures practised it, including the Maoris, Sami of Scandinavia, Babylonians, Arabs, Greeks and Indians. It was also practised in South East Asia.\nThe world is finally beginning to see the wisdom of the ancients, now that the weaknesses of the retributive or punitive legal system are clearer. We are – again – realising that the families of victims are important and their needs should be addressed; that jailing the perpetrator is not enough.\nI certainly think it makes sense to give equal, if not more, focus to \"what harm was caused and how it can be repaired” and not just \"what law was broken?\"\nOn April 15 too, the courts decided to leap into the restorative justice fray, although not for the first time.\nFMT reported that the Kuala Terengganu High Court had reduced a maintenance worker’s jail term from seven years to 10 months after allowing his appeal over the assault of his late nephew.\nIn doing so, Judicial Commissioner Yusrin Faidz Yusoff ordered Zaidi Taib to pay RM25,000 in compensation to the victim’s family.\nNoting that first-time offenders like Zaidi were “generally entitled to some leniency, particularly where there are prospects of rehabilitation”, he said the widow had also wanted to settle the case amicably..\n“The accused is willing to pay RM25,000 compensation to them as a gesture of remorse and reconciliation,” Yusrin said, adding that the offer of compensation demonstrated genuine remorse and an effort to repair harm within a family context.\nZaidi was convicted under Section 326A of the Penal Code for assaulting his nephew, Khairuddin Rani, on Feb 2, 2023, outside a house in Kampung Durian Mas Manir. Khairuddin has since died.\nIt is clear that the Klang accident has invigorated government ministers and the attorney-general’s chambers to journey deeper into the arena of restorative justice. It appears that even the court has been motivated to lend a hand. This is to be welcomed.\nIt is clear too that from the concern shown for the widow and family of Amirul Hafiz, Malaysians will be receptive to such a move.\nIt means the needs of victims or their families will now be a major factor in how deputy public prosecutors fight their cases and how the courts decide.\nDrivers would likely take extra precautions on the road, now that they’ll have to pay compensation on top of other penalties or sentences. It could work as most people worry more about their money than their health.\nIt may also persuade anyone with criminal intentions to think twice. Above all, this is a win for the long-overlooked victims, or families of victims, of crimes and accidents.\nThis is, therefore, not only a new direction for justice in Malaysia, it is a radical move\nIt shows again that even out of tragedy, some good can come.\nNEXT: Beware the two-edged sword\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-17T23:30:44.000Z","author":{"name":"A. Kathirasen"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","AG","compensation","courts","drink driving","Klang accident","murder","Neethi","punitive","restorative justice","Tamil movie","victims"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/67fa7466-a-kathirasen-latest-180226.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/67fa7466-a-kathirasen-latest-180226.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/petua-8-rakyat-celaru-bimbing-mereka-dengan-7-teknik-propaganda","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/18/petua-8-rakyat-celaru-bimbing-mereka-dengan-7-teknik-propaganda","title":"Petua 8: Rakyat celaru, bimbing mereka dengan 7 teknik propaganda","summary":"Masyarakat moden bukan tidak mahu berfikir tetapi tidak sempat berfikir. Di sinilah propaganda menjadi kompas yang mengatur hala keputusan mereka.","content_html":"![\"\"](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/32246d08-sang-propagandis-zohdi-budiman-latest-191225.jpg\")
Pada akhir 1930-an, dunia sedang bergolak dengan kebangkitan propaganda politik dari Jerman, Itali dan Rusia. Dalam suasana inilah dua sarjana komunikasi Amerika bernama Alfred McClung Lee, ahli sosiologi kritikal, dan isterinya Elizabeth Briant Lee, seorang pakar kajian komunikasi massa ditugaskan oleh Institute for Propaganda Analysis (IPA) untuk menulis sebuah buku penting bertujuan mendidik masyarakat memahami bagaimana propaganda bekerja.
\nLatar belakang mereka ketika menghasilkan The Fine Art of Propaganda (1939) sangat signifikan: Alfred ialah sarjana yang menentang manipulasi politik dan percaya bahawa masyarakat perlu celik propaganda, manakala Elizabeth pula mempunyai kepakaran dalam mengenal pasti corak bahasa, simbol dan emosi yang mendorong manusia membuat keputusan. Buku itu dihasilkan sebagai amaran bahawa masyarakat moden, walau berpendidikan tinggi sekalipun masih boleh dimanipulasi kerana mereka sering keliru, sibuk, dan tidak mempunyai masa yang mencukupi untuk menganalisis maklumat secara mendalam.
\nDalam dunia moden hari ini, latar belakang sarjana Alfred dan Elizabeth masih sangat relevan. Mereka berpendapat manusia tidak membuat keputusan berdasarkan dunia sebenar, tetapi berdasarkan dunia yang sudah diolah melalui propaganda. Manusia moden dibanjiri maklumat, tetapi kekurangan fokus dan masa. Oleh itu, mereka lebih suka menggunakan ‘jalan pintas mental’ iaitu peranan emosi, simbol, slogan dan sudut pandang yang diberikan oleh propagandis.
\nPropaganda moden bukan sekadar manipulasi, tetapi satu bentuk dorongan halus yang menentukan arah keputusan masyarakat tanpa mereka sedari. Dengan memahami tujuh teknik propaganda Alfred dan Elizabeth, kita dapat melihat bagaimana keputusan masyarakat hari ini sebenarnya lahir daripada panduan tersembunyi, bukan analisis rasional.
\nTeknik pertama, ‘Name-Calling’, menggunakan label untuk mematikan kemampuan berfikir. Apabila seseorang dilabel sebagai radikal, antirakyat, atau pengkhianat, masyarakat tidak lagi menilai hujahnya. Alfred dan Elizabeth ketika menulis buku ini sedar bahawa dalam era 1930-an, Hitler dan Mussolini menggunakan label untuk menghapuskan perdebatan.
\nHari ini pun, label digunakan dengan tujuan sama, ia mempercepat keputusan masyarakat kerana mereka tidak perlu memikirkan isu secara mendalam. Jika kumpulan yang membantah sesuatu projek pembangunan dilabel ‘antikemajuan’, pendapat mereka tidak lagi didengar. Masyarakat akan terus menyokong projek itu walaupun tidak membaca satu halaman pun laporan impak.
\nTeknik kedua, ‘Glittering Generalities’, pula menggunakan istilah indah tetapi kabur. Lee dan Lee menegaskan bahawa perkataan seperti ‘stabil’, ‘sejahtera’, ‘harmoni’, atau ‘transformasi’ memberikan rasa selesa tanpa perlu menjelaskan makna sebenar.
\nSemasa mereka menulis buku ini, kedua-duanya mengkaji bagaimana propaganda politik era Perang Dunia menggunakan kata-kata indah untuk menutup agenda sebenar. Dalam konteks hari ini, apabila kerajaan memperkenalkan polisi dengan nama ‘Keadilan untuk Semua’, masyarakat terus menyokong kerana slogan itu menyentuh emosi, bukannya kerana mereka memahami isi polisi tersebut.
\nTeknik ketiga, ‘Transfer’, memindahkan kredibiliti simbol kepada mesej. Pada era Alfred dan Elizabeth, simbol negara, agama dan gambar pemimpin digunakan secara meluas untuk mewajarkan dasar negara. Hari ini, teknik itu digunakan dalam kempen kesihatan yang dipromosikan di masjid, kuil atau gereja untuk memindahkan aura suci tempat-tempat ibadat itu kepada mesej yang mahu disampaikan. Orang ramai mempercayai sesuatu bukan kerana mereka memahami fakta dan data perubatan, tetapi kerana mesej itu dipadankan dengan simbol yang diyakini.
\nTeknik keempat, ‘Testimonial’, menggantikan proses berfikir dengan kepercayaan terhadap tokoh. Dalam buku ini Alfred dan Elizabeth menunjukkan bagaimana tokoh terkenal termasuk selebriti Hollywood dan pemimpin agama digunakan untuk menyokong agenda politik. Prinsip ini kekal sama dalam masyarakat moden. Apabila seorang doktor terkenal atau selebriti mempromosikan kempen derma darah, orang ramai cenderung menyertainya bukan kerana berdasarkan fakta perubatan, tetapi kerana mereka mempercayai tokoh yang menyampaikan mesej tersebut.
\nTeknik kelima, ‘Plain Folks’, memaparkan propagandis sebagai orang biasa yang dekat dengan kehidupan rakyat. Pada era 1930-an, ada pemimpin totalitarian menyamar sebagai ‘pejuang rakyat’. Alfred dan Elizabeth mengkritik bagaimana mereka berlakon dengan menampilkan imej sederhana untuk mendapatkan kepercayaan orang ramai. Dalam konteks hari ini, pendekatan yang sama masih digunakan: pemimpin turun minum kopi di warung, berpakaian macam orang kampung atau berbual tentang harga barang dengan orang ramai. Walaupun mesej yang disampaikan mungkin sama seperti di pentas rasmi, namun ia lebih mudah diterima kerana disampaikan dalam suasana yang kelihatan dekat dengan kehidupan seharian.
\nTeknik keenam, ‘Card Stacking’, ialah seni memilih fakta yang menguntungkan. Alfred dan Elizabeth mengkritik propaganda politik yang menonjolkan kejayaan negara tetapi menyembunyikan kegagalan atau penindasan yang berlaku. Teknik ini tetap relevan dalam era digital. Iklan perumahan memaparkan landskap hijau yang indah tetapi menyembunyikan risiko banjir; laporan kemajuan projek menonjolkan pencapaian tetapi mengelak daripada membincangkan kelewatan atau kos tambahan. Akibatnya, masyarakat membuat keputusan berdasarkan maklumat yang tidak lengkap, yang berupa separuh kebenaran yang disusun secara strategik.
\nTeknik ketujuh, ‘Bandwagon’, membina tekanan sosial supaya orang ramai terpaksa mengikuti arus majoriti. Alfred dan Elizabeth menyedari secara psikologi manusia takut menjadi minoriti. Oleh itu, rejim politik sering memaparkan gambaran ‘kejayaan palsu’ atau ‘sokongan meluas’ untuk meyakinkan rakyat bahawa semua orang sudah menyokong mereka. Dalam dunia hari ini, angka sokongan, undian popular, graf media sosial dan istilah seperti ‘gelombang rakyat’ menghasilkan kesan sama. Masyarakat menyertai sesuatu bukan kerana kebenaran, tetapi kerana tidak mahu menjadi orang terakhir yang ketinggalan.
\nAkhirnya, gabungan tujuh teknik yang dihuraikan oleh Alfred dan Elizabeth membentuk suatu mekanisme yang menjelaskan bagaimana masyarakat moden sering membuat keputusan dengan pantas, bersifat emosional, dan dipandu oleh lapisan maklumat yang diolah terlebih dahulu.
\nMereka menulis buku itu sebagai amaran bahawa propaganda bekerja secara halus dan paling licik apabila masyarakat merasakan mereka bebas memilih, padahal keputusan sudah ditentukan melalui rangkaian label, simbol, tokoh, slogan, cerita orang biasa, pemilihan fakta dan tekanan sosial.
\nDalam dunia hari ini yang lebih kompleks daripada era 1930-an, ramalan Alfred dan Elizabeth terbukti benar: masyarakat moden bukan tidak mahu berfikir, tetapi tidak sempat berfikir. Di sinilah propaganda menjadi kompas yang mengatur hala keputusan mereka.
\n\n
Artikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.
\n","content_text":"Pada akhir 1930-an, dunia sedang bergolak dengan kebangkitan propaganda politik dari Jerman, Itali dan Rusia. Dalam suasana inilah dua sarjana komunikasi Amerika bernama Alfred McClung Lee, ahli sosiologi kritikal, dan isterinya Elizabeth Briant Lee, seorang pakar kajian komunikasi massa ditugaskan oleh Institute for Propaganda Analysis (IPA) untuk menulis sebuah buku penting bertujuan mendidik masyarakat memahami bagaimana propaganda bekerja.\nLatar belakang mereka ketika menghasilkan The Fine Art of Propaganda (1939) sangat signifikan: Alfred ialah sarjana yang menentang manipulasi politik dan percaya bahawa masyarakat perlu celik propaganda, manakala Elizabeth pula mempunyai kepakaran dalam mengenal pasti corak bahasa, simbol dan emosi yang mendorong manusia membuat keputusan. Buku itu dihasilkan sebagai amaran bahawa masyarakat moden, walau berpendidikan tinggi sekalipun masih boleh dimanipulasi kerana mereka sering keliru, sibuk, dan tidak mempunyai masa yang mencukupi untuk menganalisis maklumat secara mendalam.\nDalam dunia moden hari ini, latar belakang sarjana Alfred dan Elizabeth masih sangat relevan. Mereka berpendapat manusia tidak membuat keputusan berdasarkan dunia sebenar, tetapi berdasarkan dunia yang sudah diolah melalui propaganda. Manusia moden dibanjiri maklumat, tetapi kekurangan fokus dan masa. Oleh itu, mereka lebih suka menggunakan 'jalan pintas mental' iaitu peranan emosi, simbol, slogan dan sudut pandang yang diberikan oleh propagandis.\nPropaganda moden bukan sekadar manipulasi, tetapi satu bentuk dorongan halus yang menentukan arah keputusan masyarakat tanpa mereka sedari. Dengan memahami tujuh teknik propaganda Alfred dan Elizabeth, kita dapat melihat bagaimana keputusan masyarakat hari ini sebenarnya lahir daripada panduan tersembunyi, bukan analisis rasional.\nTeknik pertama, 'Name-Calling', menggunakan label untuk mematikan kemampuan berfikir. Apabila seseorang dilabel sebagai radikal, antirakyat, atau pengkhianat, masyarakat tidak lagi menilai hujahnya. Alfred dan Elizabeth ketika menulis buku ini sedar bahawa dalam era 1930-an, Hitler dan Mussolini menggunakan label untuk menghapuskan perdebatan.\nHari ini pun, label digunakan dengan tujuan sama, ia mempercepat keputusan masyarakat kerana mereka tidak perlu memikirkan isu secara mendalam. Jika kumpulan yang membantah sesuatu projek pembangunan dilabel 'antikemajuan', pendapat mereka tidak lagi didengar. Masyarakat akan terus menyokong projek itu walaupun tidak membaca satu halaman pun laporan impak.\nTeknik kedua, 'Glittering Generalities', pula menggunakan istilah indah tetapi kabur. Lee dan Lee menegaskan bahawa perkataan seperti 'stabil', 'sejahtera', 'harmoni', atau 'transformasi' memberikan rasa selesa tanpa perlu menjelaskan makna sebenar.\nSemasa mereka menulis buku ini, kedua-duanya mengkaji bagaimana propaganda politik era Perang Dunia menggunakan kata-kata indah untuk menutup agenda sebenar. Dalam konteks hari ini, apabila kerajaan memperkenalkan polisi dengan nama 'Keadilan untuk Semua', masyarakat terus menyokong kerana slogan itu menyentuh emosi, bukannya kerana mereka memahami isi polisi tersebut.\nTeknik ketiga, 'Transfer', memindahkan kredibiliti simbol kepada mesej. Pada era Alfred dan Elizabeth, simbol negara, agama dan gambar pemimpin digunakan secara meluas untuk mewajarkan dasar negara. Hari ini, teknik itu digunakan dalam kempen kesihatan yang dipromosikan di masjid, kuil atau gereja untuk memindahkan aura suci tempat-tempat ibadat itu kepada mesej yang mahu disampaikan. Orang ramai mempercayai sesuatu bukan kerana mereka memahami fakta dan data perubatan, tetapi kerana mesej itu dipadankan dengan simbol yang diyakini.\nTeknik keempat, 'Testimonial', menggantikan proses berfikir dengan kepercayaan terhadap tokoh. Dalam buku ini Alfred dan Elizabeth menunjukkan bagaimana tokoh terkenal termasuk selebriti Hollywood dan pemimpin agama digunakan untuk menyokong agenda politik. Prinsip ini kekal sama dalam masyarakat moden. Apabila seorang doktor terkenal atau selebriti mempromosikan kempen derma darah, orang ramai cenderung menyertainya bukan kerana berdasarkan fakta perubatan, tetapi kerana mereka mempercayai tokoh yang menyampaikan mesej tersebut.\nTeknik kelima, 'Plain Folks', memaparkan propagandis sebagai orang biasa yang dekat dengan kehidupan rakyat. Pada era 1930-an, ada pemimpin totalitarian menyamar sebagai 'pejuang rakyat'. Alfred dan Elizabeth mengkritik bagaimana mereka berlakon dengan menampilkan imej sederhana untuk mendapatkan kepercayaan orang ramai. Dalam konteks hari ini, pendekatan yang sama masih digunakan: pemimpin turun minum kopi di warung, berpakaian macam orang kampung atau berbual tentang harga barang dengan orang ramai. Walaupun mesej yang disampaikan mungkin sama seperti di pentas rasmi, namun ia lebih mudah diterima kerana disampaikan dalam suasana yang kelihatan dekat dengan kehidupan seharian.\nTeknik keenam, 'Card Stacking', ialah seni memilih fakta yang menguntungkan. Alfred dan Elizabeth mengkritik propaganda politik yang menonjolkan kejayaan negara tetapi menyembunyikan kegagalan atau penindasan yang berlaku. Teknik ini tetap relevan dalam era digital. Iklan perumahan memaparkan landskap hijau yang indah tetapi menyembunyikan risiko banjir; laporan kemajuan projek menonjolkan pencapaian tetapi mengelak daripada membincangkan kelewatan atau kos tambahan. Akibatnya, masyarakat membuat keputusan berdasarkan maklumat yang tidak lengkap, yang berupa separuh kebenaran yang disusun secara strategik.\nTeknik ketujuh, 'Bandwagon', membina tekanan sosial supaya orang ramai terpaksa mengikuti arus majoriti. Alfred dan Elizabeth menyedari secara psikologi manusia takut menjadi minoriti. Oleh itu, rejim politik sering memaparkan gambaran 'kejayaan palsu' atau 'sokongan meluas' untuk meyakinkan rakyat bahawa semua orang sudah menyokong mereka. Dalam dunia hari ini, angka sokongan, undian popular, graf media sosial dan istilah seperti 'gelombang rakyat' menghasilkan kesan sama. Masyarakat menyertai sesuatu bukan kerana kebenaran, tetapi kerana tidak mahu menjadi orang terakhir yang ketinggalan.\nAkhirnya, gabungan tujuh teknik yang dihuraikan oleh Alfred dan Elizabeth membentuk suatu mekanisme yang menjelaskan bagaimana masyarakat moden sering membuat keputusan dengan pantas, bersifat emosional, dan dipandu oleh lapisan maklumat yang diolah terlebih dahulu.\nMereka menulis buku itu sebagai amaran bahawa propaganda bekerja secara halus dan paling licik apabila masyarakat merasakan mereka bebas memilih, padahal keputusan sudah ditentukan melalui rangkaian label, simbol, tokoh, slogan, cerita orang biasa, pemilihan fakta dan tekanan sosial.\nDalam dunia hari ini yang lebih kompleks daripada era 1930-an, ramalan Alfred dan Elizabeth terbukti benar: masyarakat moden bukan tidak mahu berfikir, tetapi tidak sempat berfikir. Di sinilah propaganda menjadi kompas yang mengatur hala keputusan mereka.\n \nArtikel ini adalah pandangan penulis dan tidak semestinya mewakili FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-17T23:00:24.000Z","author":{"name":"Sang Propagandis"},"tags":["Pandangan","Top BM","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","propaganda","Rakyat","Sarjana","teknik"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/32246d08-sang-propagandis-zohdi-budiman-latest-191225.jpg","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/32246d08-sang-propagandis-zohdi-budiman-latest-191225.jpg"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/17/why-bangun-kl-drew-so-much-flak","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/17/why-bangun-kl-drew-so-much-flak","title":"Why Bangun KL drew so much flak","summary":"The backlash was never really about the coffee. It was about what the policy revealed.","content_html":"![\"highway](\"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/df508257-highway-lebuhraya-sungai-besi-sesak-jem-bernama-pic-15426.webp\")
From Boo Jia Cher
\nWhen Hannah Yeoh introduced the Bangun KL initiative, offering RM5 coffee from ZUS Coffee to encourage people to leave home earlier, it seemed harmless enough.
\nA small nudge. A behavioural tweak. The idea was simple: if enough people shifted their routines, the morning peak might ease.
\nBut the backlash was never really about the coffee. It was about what the policy revealed.
\n\nThe problem is not lateness
\nListen to how people actually move through Kuala Lumpur, and the premise quickly falls apart.
\nThe average KL driver spends an extra 159 hours a year in traffic, with travel times about 35% longer than free-flow conditions.
\nFor commuters coming from Klang or Shah Alam, a 90-minute to two-hour journey into the city is routine.
\nMany are already leaving as early as they can. Some arrive well before work and sleep in their cars.
\nThese are not people who need encouragement to wake up earlier. They have already reorganised their lives around congestion. There is no slack left to optimise.
\nSo what does it mean to offer coffee in exchange for something people are already doing?
\nKL has a geometry problem
\nOver the past two decades, Greater KL has sprawled outward while jobs remain in the city centre.
\nRising costs and the pull of landed homes have pushed many to suburbs like Subang, Shah Alam, Puchong and Klang.
\nIn that sense, our attachment to car-dependent suburban living helps sustain the congestion we complain about.
\nThe result is structural: long distances between where people live and where they work, funnelled into a limited number of corridors at the same time each day.
\nNo amount of earlier wake-up calls can fix that.
\nMore roads don’t fix traffic
\nFor years, the response has been to build more roads. Yet congestion persists.
\nThis is the logic of induced demand: increase road capacity, and traffic rises to fill it. Bottlenecks may ease briefly, but the relief rarely lasts.
\nAt the same time, driving has been made too accessible. Fuel subsidies, long-term car loans, and a steady supply of vehicles have normalised car ownership at scale. Malaysia now has nearly as many registered vehicles as people.
\nAnd most of those vehicles carry just one person. At peak hours, average occupancy hovers around 1.2 people per car; an enormous inefficiency that makes congestion inevitable.
\nPublic transport still has too many gaps
\nKL’s rail network has grown, but for many commuters, the problem lies in the first and last mile.
\nBuses are infrequent. Sidewalks are incomplete. Walking is uncomfortable in the heat.
\nFaced with a fragmented journey versus a direct, air-conditioned drive, many choose the car, not out of preference, but because it remains the more tolerable choice — even if it means sitting in traffic for two hours.
\nThe real fix is structural
\nOnce congestion is understood as the product of land use, transport policy, pricing and governance, it becomes clear there is no quick fix at the margins.
\nTraffic is not simply the result of too many cars. It is the outcome of a system that has made driving the easiest, cheapest and most reliable way to move. Changing that means changing the incentives.
\nCongestion pricing is one lever. Charging vehicles to enter the city during peak hours is not about punishment, but about reflecting the true cost of road space.
\nFuel subsidy reform is another. Reducing blanket subsidies would make driving a more deliberate choice, while freeing up public funds for better alternatives — something so crucial now, given the global oil crisis.
\nParking, too, remains underpriced. As long as it is easy and cheap to store cars in the city, driving will continue to dominate.
\nAt the same time, land use must shift. Central KL is filled with underused plots and buildings, surface parking, and low-density enclaves that serve very few people. We even have a gigantic golf course that borders TRX.
\nThese are missed opportunities. Reimagined as green, mixed-use, walkable neighbourhoods, they could bring people closer to jobs and reduce the need for long commutes altogether.
\nSprawl must also be stopped. As long as the default aspiration is a large landed home on the urban fringe, supported by long daily drives, congestion will persist. This is not just a planning issue, but a national one.
\nPublic transport needs to be reliable enough to compete. That means trains that work consistently, buses that arrive frequently, and dedicated lanes that allow them to move faster than cars.
\nAnd finally, governance matters.
\nResponsibility for transport and development in KL is fragmented across multiple agencies, often working in silos.
\nHighways can be approved without considering long-term urban form, and housing can be built without proper transport links.
\nThe result is a city that grows without coordination, and congestion is the natural outcome.
\nThis is why Bangun KL struck a nerve.
\nWrong idea
\nBangun KL asked individuals to wake up earlier, to try a little harder within a system already stretched to its limits, rather than asking whether the system itself needs to change.
\nYeoh may well be performing strongly as federal territories minister, and her efforts to accelerate improvements in KL deserve recognition. But Bangun KL was clearly not one of the stronger ideas.
\nNo one expects overnight transformation.
\nWhat matters more is a clear acknowledgment of the underlying problems, and the political will to address them over time.
\nThat is what builds public trust, not small incentives, but a serious commitment to structural change.
\n\n
Boo Jia Cher is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Boo Jia Cher\nWhen Hannah Yeoh introduced the Bangun KL initiative, offering RM5 coffee from ZUS Coffee to encourage people to leave home earlier, it seemed harmless enough.\nA small nudge. A behavioural tweak. The idea was simple: if enough people shifted their routines, the morning peak might ease.\nBut the backlash was never really about the coffee. It was about what the policy revealed.\n\nThe problem is not lateness \nListen to how people actually move through Kuala Lumpur, and the premise quickly falls apart.\nThe average KL driver spends an extra 159 hours a year in traffic, with travel times about 35% longer than free-flow conditions.\nFor commuters coming from Klang or Shah Alam, a 90-minute to two-hour journey into the city is routine.\nMany are already leaving as early as they can. Some arrive well before work and sleep in their cars.\nThese are not people who need encouragement to wake up earlier. They have already reorganised their lives around congestion. There is no slack left to optimise.\nSo what does it mean to offer coffee in exchange for something people are already doing?\nKL has a geometry problem \nOver the past two decades, Greater KL has sprawled outward while jobs remain in the city centre.\nRising costs and the pull of landed homes have pushed many to suburbs like Subang, Shah Alam, Puchong and Klang.\nIn that sense, our attachment to car-dependent suburban living helps sustain the congestion we complain about.\nThe result is structural: long distances between where people live and where they work, funnelled into a limited number of corridors at the same time each day.\nNo amount of earlier wake-up calls can fix that.\nMore roads don’t fix traffic\nFor years, the response has been to build more roads. Yet congestion persists.\nThis is the logic of induced demand: increase road capacity, and traffic rises to fill it. Bottlenecks may ease briefly, but the relief rarely lasts.\nAt the same time, driving has been made too accessible. Fuel subsidies, long-term car loans, and a steady supply of vehicles have normalised car ownership at scale. Malaysia now has nearly as many registered vehicles as people.\nAnd most of those vehicles carry just one person. At peak hours, average occupancy hovers around 1.2 people per car; an enormous inefficiency that makes congestion inevitable.\nPublic transport still has too many gaps \nKL’s rail network has grown, but for many commuters, the problem lies in the first and last mile.\nBuses are infrequent. Sidewalks are incomplete. Walking is uncomfortable in the heat.\nFaced with a fragmented journey versus a direct, air-conditioned drive, many choose the car, not out of preference, but because it remains the more tolerable choice — even if it means sitting in traffic for two hours.\nThe real fix is structural\nOnce congestion is understood as the product of land use, transport policy, pricing and governance, it becomes clear there is no quick fix at the margins.\nTraffic is not simply the result of too many cars. It is the outcome of a system that has made driving the easiest, cheapest and most reliable way to move. Changing that means changing the incentives.\nCongestion pricing is one lever. Charging vehicles to enter the city during peak hours is not about punishment, but about reflecting the true cost of road space.\nFuel subsidy reform is another. Reducing blanket subsidies would make driving a more deliberate choice, while freeing up public funds for better alternatives — something so crucial now, given the global oil crisis.\nParking, too, remains underpriced. As long as it is easy and cheap to store cars in the city, driving will continue to dominate.\nAt the same time, land use must shift. Central KL is filled with underused plots and buildings, surface parking, and low-density enclaves that serve very few people. We even have a gigantic golf course that borders TRX.\nThese are missed opportunities. Reimagined as green, mixed-use, walkable neighbourhoods, they could bring people closer to jobs and reduce the need for long commutes altogether.\nSprawl must also be stopped. As long as the default aspiration is a large landed home on the urban fringe, supported by long daily drives, congestion will persist. This is not just a planning issue, but a national one.\nPublic transport needs to be reliable enough to compete. That means trains that work consistently, buses that arrive frequently, and dedicated lanes that allow them to move faster than cars.\nAnd finally, governance matters.\nResponsibility for transport and development in KL is fragmented across multiple agencies, often working in silos.\nHighways can be approved without considering long-term urban form, and housing can be built without proper transport links.\nThe result is a city that grows without coordination, and congestion is the natural outcome.\nThis is why Bangun KL struck a nerve.\nWrong idea \nBangun KL asked individuals to wake up earlier, to try a little harder within a system already stretched to its limits, rather than asking whether the system itself needs to change.\nYeoh may well be performing strongly as federal territories minister, and her efforts to accelerate improvements in KL deserve recognition. But Bangun KL was clearly not one of the stronger ideas.\nNo one expects overnight transformation.\nWhat matters more is a clear acknowledgment of the underlying problems, and the political will to address them over time.\nThat is what builds public trust, not small incentives, but a serious commitment to structural change.\n \nBoo Jia Cher is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-17T00:00:32.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","Bangun KL","car dependency","commuting","congestion","congestion pricing","fuel subsidies","Hannah Yeoh","public transport","traffic","urban planning","urban sprawl"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/df508257-highway-lebuhraya-sungai-besi-sesak-jem-bernama-pic-15426.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/04/df508257-highway-lebuhraya-sungai-besi-sesak-jem-bernama-pic-15426.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/17/peps-hounds-to-finally-catch-artetas-hare","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/17/peps-hounds-to-finally-catch-artetas-hare","title":"Pep’s hounds to finally catch Arteta’s hare","summary":"City have timed their run perfectly to pip an Arsenal side that took on too much.","content_html":"
Seconds out for the Epic at the Etihad!
\nSunday night’s clash between Manchester City and Arsenal doesn’t really need any hype: it is a genuine heavyweight title decider. Well, almost.
\nBut as Mikel Arteta has already begun the boxing analogies, it is sure to be billed as both a “Rumble” and a “Thrilla”. At a venue midway between a jungle and Manila.
\n“A punch in the face” is how the Arsenal boss described the Gunners’ shock loss to Bournemouth last weekend.
\nIt won’t just be his face that Manchester City targets when he leads his side into the ring before the watching world.
\nEven though the midweek draw with Sporting Lisbon healed a few wounds, Pep Guardiola’s boys can smell blood.
\nHaving finally hunted down the Londoners and got them where they wanted, they are many people’s favourites to deliver a knockout blow.
\nBut just because the Gunners have been misfiring of late, they are not on the ropes.
\nWe should not forget that they are still in contention for the Double.
\nIn the Champions League, they have the “easier” semi-final, if a clash with Diego Simeone’s Atletico side can be given such a term, while in the EPL, their run-in is kinder than City’s.
\nCity has to win and Arsenal has the best defence in the league, possibly in Europe, so this is not a foregone conclusion. And no trophy will be handed out, whatever the result.
\nIf Arsenal wins, it will be as good as over, but a City win would leave them with work still to do.
\nThe assumption is that, with the wind in their sails, they’ll blow everyone over. And Arsenal may not be able to recover psychologically.
\nThe hounds finally catching up with the hare is just one aspect that makes this clash so intriguing.
\nOthers include Master v Apprentice, Catalan v Basque, Serial winner v serial Nearly Man, Swashbuckling v Tentative.
\nThrow in a clash of styles, personalities, recent histories, and latest health reports.
\nNot to mention thrilling attackers against doughty defenders and, dare it be said, timid attackers against dodgy defenders.
\nOne team is knackered from its midweek exertions, the other refreshed from a week without a game.
\nThere is so much contrariness that it’s hard to believe Arteta was once Guardiola’s protégé, learned at his knee, and got his thesis in Manchester.
\nBoth are passionate micro-managers, and both have an eye for a player, but have also benefited from big budgets.
\nThey remain friends, but will be mortal enemies for 90-plus minutes.
\nThat’s another reason this game doesn’t need Don King to persuade us to watch it.
\nTo recap the situation at the top of the table, Arsenal has a six-point lead, but has played a game more than City.
\nIf City beats Arsenal and wins its game in hand (against relegation-bound Burnley), it will be level on points, but top on goal difference.
\nThe race will not be over, but from chasing the Quad to getting nothing is haunting Gooners.
\nStrangely, playing away from their own nervous fans may even be an advantage for Arsenal.
\nWhat is exciting for neutrals is that this dramatic climax was unexpected.
\nThe season had been written off as a procession by almost everyone. It was just a question of how many points Arsenal would win by. And how many other trophies they might pick up along the way.
\nBut City kept plugging away. Twice, they looked like they were mounting a charge but stumbled.
\nOnly after Real Madrid knocked them out of the Champions League, did they look like the City of old.
\nThey crushed Arsenal in the Carabao Cup, Liverpool in the FA Cup and then Chelsea in the league to move within striking distance.
\nMeanwhile, Arsenal were wobbling. Despite having a deep squad, injuries took a toll.
\nSkipper Martin Odegaard and Bukayo Saka, in particular, have been sorely missed. And Mikel Merino has been a long-term absentee.
\nThey have unearthed an absolute gem in Max Dowman, but they can’t hang their title hopes on a 16-year-old.
\nThe consensus is that Arsenal are their own worst enemies. They want it too much and Arteta’s irksome behaviour doesn’t help.
\nThe last time they won the league was in 2004 under Arsene Wenger and, of all the fans, Arsenal’s seem to have the greatest sense of entitlement.
\nComparing the squads, City’s has the edge and it is also younger. Nico O’Reilly is 21, Rayan Cherki 22, Abdukodir Kuhsanov 22, the currently injured Josko Gvardiol 24, while Erling Haaland is only 25.
\nJanuary signings made a difference: Gianluigi Donnarumma, Antoine Semenyo and Marc Guehi arrived as if to the manor born and are key players in this late push.
\nWhereas Viktor Gyokeres, the supposed final piece of the jigsaw for Arsenal, is showing his limitations.
\nYou sense that City will be better next year, whereas Arsenal must become champions this time or failure could haunt them.
\nFrom this vantage point, I can see a City masterclass on Sunday and Pep going on to land a fifth title in six years.
\nThe free week will give City an advantage, but they have much more firepower anyway.
\nErling Haaland, Antoine Semenyo, Rayan Cherki and Jeremy Doku will take some stopping.
\nAnd their absence from Europe will help them over the coming weeks too.
\nDespite Arsenal’s set-piece skills, I’ll go for a win from the blue corner.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"Seconds out for the Epic at the Etihad!\nSunday night’s clash between Manchester City and Arsenal doesn’t really need any hype: it is a genuine heavyweight title decider. Well, almost.\nBut as Mikel Arteta has already begun the boxing analogies, it is sure to be billed as both a “Rumble” and a “Thrilla”. At a venue midway between a jungle and Manila.\n“A punch in the face” is how the Arsenal boss described the Gunners’ shock loss to Bournemouth last weekend.\nIt won’t just be his face that Manchester City targets when he leads his side into the ring before the watching world.\nEven though the midweek draw with Sporting Lisbon healed a few wounds, Pep Guardiola’s boys can smell blood.\nHaving finally hunted down the Londoners and got them where they wanted, they are many people’s favourites to deliver a knockout blow.\nBut just because the Gunners have been misfiring of late, they are not on the ropes.\nWe should not forget that they are still in contention for the Double.\nIn the Champions League, they have the “easier” semi-final, if a clash with Diego Simeone’s Atletico side can be given such a term, while in the EPL, their run-in is kinder than City’s.\nCity has to win and Arsenal has the best defence in the league, possibly in Europe, so this is not a foregone conclusion. And no trophy will be handed out, whatever the result.\nIf Arsenal wins, it will be as good as over, but a City win would leave them with work still to do.\nThe assumption is that, with the wind in their sails, they’ll blow everyone over. And Arsenal may not be able to recover psychologically.\nThe hounds finally catching up with the hare is just one aspect that makes this clash so intriguing.\nOthers include Master v Apprentice, Catalan v Basque, Serial winner v serial Nearly Man, Swashbuckling v Tentative.\nThrow in a clash of styles, personalities, recent histories, and latest health reports.\nNot to mention thrilling attackers against doughty defenders and, dare it be said, timid attackers against dodgy defenders.\nOne team is knackered from its midweek exertions, the other refreshed from a week without a game.\nThere is so much contrariness that it’s hard to believe Arteta was once Guardiola’s protégé, learned at his knee, and got his thesis in Manchester.\nBoth are passionate micro-managers, and both have an eye for a player, but have also benefited from big budgets.\nThey remain friends, but will be mortal enemies for 90-plus minutes.\nThat’s another reason this game doesn’t need Don King to persuade us to watch it.\nTo recap the situation at the top of the table, Arsenal has a six-point lead, but has played a game more than City.\nIf City beats Arsenal and wins its game in hand (against relegation-bound Burnley), it will be level on points, but top on goal difference.\nThe race will not be over, but from chasing the Quad to getting nothing is haunting Gooners.\nStrangely, playing away from their own nervous fans may even be an advantage for Arsenal.\nWhat is exciting for neutrals is that this dramatic climax was unexpected.\nThe season had been written off as a procession by almost everyone. It was just a question of how many points Arsenal would win by. And how many other trophies they might pick up along the way.\nBut City kept plugging away. Twice, they looked like they were mounting a charge but stumbled.\nOnly after Real Madrid knocked them out of the Champions League, did they look like the City of old.\nThey crushed Arsenal in the Carabao Cup, Liverpool in the FA Cup and then Chelsea in the league to move within striking distance.\nMeanwhile, Arsenal were wobbling. Despite having a deep squad, injuries took a toll.\nSkipper Martin Odegaard and Bukayo Saka, in particular, have been sorely missed. And Mikel Merino has been a long-term absentee.\nThey have unearthed an absolute gem in Max Dowman, but they can’t hang their title hopes on a 16-year-old.\nThe consensus is that Arsenal are their own worst enemies. They want it too much and Arteta’s irksome behaviour doesn’t help.\nThe last time they won the league was in 2004 under Arsene Wenger and, of all the fans, Arsenal’s seem to have the greatest sense of entitlement.\nComparing the squads, City’s has the edge and it is also younger. Nico O’Reilly is 21, Rayan Cherki 22, Abdukodir Kuhsanov 22, the currently injured Josko Gvardiol 24, while Erling Haaland is only 25.\nJanuary signings made a difference: Gianluigi Donnarumma, Antoine Semenyo and Marc Guehi arrived as if to the manor born and are key players in this late push.\nWhereas Viktor Gyokeres, the supposed final piece of the jigsaw for Arsenal, is showing his limitations.\nYou sense that City will be better next year, whereas Arsenal must become champions this time or failure could haunt them.\nFrom this vantage point, I can see a City masterclass on Sunday and Pep going on to land a fifth title in six years.\nThe free week will give City an advantage, but they have much more firepower anyway.\nErling Haaland, Antoine Semenyo, Rayan Cherki and Jeremy Doku will take some stopping.\nAnd their absence from Europe will help them over the coming weeks too.\nDespite Arsenal’s set-piece skills, I’ll go for a win from the blue corner.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-16T23:15:10.000Z","author":{"name":"Bob Holmes"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Sports","Football","Top Sports","Arsenal","Arteta","EPL","Guardiola","Manchester City"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/718d477b-bob-holmes-columnist-250424-1.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/718d477b-bob-holmes-columnist-250424-1.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/17/the-five-year-rule-an-ma-change-and-the-silence-behind-it","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/17/the-five-year-rule-an-ma-change-and-the-silence-behind-it","title":"The five-year rule: An MA change and the silence behind it","summary":"A constitutional change at the centre of Malaysia Athletics’ crisis exposes how it was drafted, approved and allowed to pass without challenge.","content_html":"
At the centre of Malaysia Athletics’ crisis lies a single clause.
\nThe five-year cap on suspensions.
\nIt did not arrive by accident. It did not pass unnoticed. It did not pass without consequence.
\nToday, that clause has collided with the rules of World Athletics. The fallout has exposed a deeper failure inside the federation—not just of leadership, but of collective responsibility.
\nThe question now is simple: who put the five-year rule there, and who allowed it to pass?
\n\nMalaysia Athletics amended its constitution to limit suspensions to five years. That change opened the door for the return of its current president, Karim Ibrahim.
\nAt the international level, however, the position was already clear.
\nIn 2018, the Court of Arbitration for Sport upheld findings against Karim over two serious breaches: the handling of athlete allowance funds during a 2009 training camp, and his role in advising athletes to avoid scheduled doping tests before the 2011 SEA Games.
\nThe ruling described his conduct as “unacceptable” and “wholly misleading.”
\nWorld Athletics’ vetting panel deemed him ineligible under its integrity framework, a position the global body continues to enforce.
\nKarim has rejected claims that he was banned for life, maintaining that no fixed duration was specified and that his return complies with domestic rules.
\nBut this is where the fault line lies.
\nA domestic rule cannot override an international eligibility decision within a global system.
\nAnd yet, Malaysia Athletics proceeded.
\nThe making of the five-year cap
\nThe five-year provision did not emerge by chance.
\nThe federation’s legal adviser told the council that the figure drew from Malaysian legal principles, including constitutional norms and comparable provisions in national bodies.
\nShe said the proposal went before the council and later the broader membership.
\nThat explanation raises more questions than it answers.
\nDid council members receive the full text before the vote?
\nOr did they see only a summary, as some now suggest a projection without detail, leaving little room to interrogate its implications?
\nIf they saw it, why did no one object? If they did not fully understand it, why did they approve it?
\nThese are not technical questions. They go to the core of governance.
\nThe council’s silence
\nSome council members now say they lacked clarity when the amendment was presented.
\nThat defence is difficult to sustain.
\nThey were present when the proposal came before the council. The amendment surfaced again at the annual meeting last June.
\nSilence, in that context, is not neutrality. It is consent.
\nThose who drafted the rule own its intent. Those who endorsed it own its consequences.
\nThose who chose not to question it share in the outcome.
\nThis is not about hindsight, it is about responsibility.
\nA warning that came, and vanished
\nMore troubling is the suggestion that this was not the first warning.
\nSources indicate that World Athletics had written years earlier to the then Malaysia Athletics Federation during the presidency of SM Muthu, raising concerns similar to those now at the centre of the dispute.
\nThat letter, however, is said to have gone missing.
\nIf true, it raises a deeper question.
\nHow does a warning from the world governing body disappear inside a national federation, and what does that say about institutional memory and accountability?
\nWhere was the regulator?
\nThe Sports Commissioner’s Office now comes into focus.
\nIts role is not merely administrative. It exists to ensure that national bodies uphold governance standards and do not pass rules that undermine their own legitimacy.
\nDid it test whether the amendment aligned with World Athletics requirements? Or did it approve the process without examining the substance?
\nThat distinction now matters. What appeared to be a procedural change has triggered a governance crisis with international consequences.
\nThe wider culture problem
\nThis episode reflects a deeper issue within Malaysian athletics.
\nAffiliates and state bodies are meant to act as checks within the system. They carry voting power and they shape leadership outcomes.
\nBut influence requires engagement.
\nWhen affiliates do not question, do not challenge and do not demand clarity, governance weakens.
\nOver time, structures harden. Positions become entrenched. Decisions pass with minimal scrutiny.
\nAnd when a critical regulation appears, one that alters eligibility itself, the system fails to test it.
\nThat is how a clause like the five-year cap passes.
\nThe question that remains
\nMalaysia Athletics now faces pressure from World Athletics to resolve a conflict it helped create.
\nBut this crisis did not begin with a letter.
\nIt began with a decision: a decision to draft a rule, a decision to adopt it and a decision not to question it.
\nUntil those decisions are examined honestly, focusing on any one individual misses the point.
\nBecause this was never just about one man’s return. It was about a system that allowed it.
\n\n
The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"At the centre of Malaysia Athletics’ crisis lies a single clause.\nThe five-year cap on suspensions.\nIt did not arrive by accident. It did not pass unnoticed. It did not pass without consequence.\nToday, that clause has collided with the rules of World Athletics. The fallout has exposed a deeper failure inside the federation—not just of leadership, but of collective responsibility.\nThe question now is simple: who put the five-year rule there, and who allowed it to pass?\n\nMalaysia Athletics amended its constitution to limit suspensions to five years. That change opened the door for the return of its current president, Karim Ibrahim.\nAt the international level, however, the position was already clear.\nIn 2018, the Court of Arbitration for Sport upheld findings against Karim over two serious breaches: the handling of athlete allowance funds during a 2009 training camp, and his role in advising athletes to avoid scheduled doping tests before the 2011 SEA Games.\nThe ruling described his conduct as “unacceptable” and “wholly misleading.\"\nWorld Athletics’ vetting panel deemed him ineligible under its integrity framework, a position the global body continues to enforce.\nKarim has rejected claims that he was banned for life, maintaining that no fixed duration was specified and that his return complies with domestic rules.\nBut this is where the fault line lies.\nA domestic rule cannot override an international eligibility decision within a global system.\nAnd yet, Malaysia Athletics proceeded.\nThe making of the five-year cap\nThe five-year provision did not emerge by chance.\nThe federation’s legal adviser told the council that the figure drew from Malaysian legal principles, including constitutional norms and comparable provisions in national bodies.\nShe said the proposal went before the council and later the broader membership.\nThat explanation raises more questions than it answers.\nDid council members receive the full text before the vote?\nOr did they see only a summary, as some now suggest a projection without detail, leaving little room to interrogate its implications?\nIf they saw it, why did no one object? If they did not fully understand it, why did they approve it?\nThese are not technical questions. They go to the core of governance.\nThe council’s silence\nSome council members now say they lacked clarity when the amendment was presented.\nThat defence is difficult to sustain.\nThey were present when the proposal came before the council. The amendment surfaced again at the annual meeting last June.\nSilence, in that context, is not neutrality. It is consent.\nThose who drafted the rule own its intent. Those who endorsed it own its consequences.\nThose who chose not to question it share in the outcome.\nThis is not about hindsight, it is about responsibility.\nA warning that came, and vanished\nMore troubling is the suggestion that this was not the first warning.\nSources indicate that World Athletics had written years earlier to the then Malaysia Athletics Federation during the presidency of SM Muthu, raising concerns similar to those now at the centre of the dispute.\nThat letter, however, is said to have gone missing.\nIf true, it raises a deeper question.\nHow does a warning from the world governing body disappear inside a national federation, and what does that say about institutional memory and accountability?\nWhere was the regulator?\nThe Sports Commissioner’s Office now comes into focus.\nIts role is not merely administrative. It exists to ensure that national bodies uphold governance standards and do not pass rules that undermine their own legitimacy.\nDid it test whether the amendment aligned with World Athletics requirements? Or did it approve the process without examining the substance?\nThat distinction now matters. What appeared to be a procedural change has triggered a governance crisis with international consequences.\nThe wider culture problem\nThis episode reflects a deeper issue within Malaysian athletics.\nAffiliates and state bodies are meant to act as checks within the system. They carry voting power and they shape leadership outcomes.\nBut influence requires engagement.\nWhen affiliates do not question, do not challenge and do not demand clarity, governance weakens.\nOver time, structures harden. Positions become entrenched. Decisions pass with minimal scrutiny.\nAnd when a critical regulation appears, one that alters eligibility itself, the system fails to test it.\nThat is how a clause like the five-year cap passes.\nThe question that remains\nMalaysia Athletics now faces pressure from World Athletics to resolve a conflict it helped create.\nBut this crisis did not begin with a letter.\nIt began with a decision: a decision to draft a rule, a decision to adopt it and a decision not to question it.\nUntil those decisions are examined honestly, focusing on any one individual misses the point.\nBecause this was never just about one man’s return. It was about a system that allowed it.\n \nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-16T23:00:29.000Z","author":{"name":"Frankie D'Cruz"},"tags":["Highlight","Column","Opinion","Top Opinion","Sports","Top Sports","CAS ruling","constitutional amendment","Integrity in Sport","Karim Ibrahim","malaysia athletics","Sports commissioner","Sports Governance","World Athletics"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/6e2507ca-frankie-dcruz-new-description-020425-2.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/6e2507ca-frankie-dcruz-new-description-020425-2.webp"},{"id":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/16/when-ai-gets-smarter-who-gets-paid","url":"https://www.freemalaysiatoday.com/category/opinion/2026/04/16/when-ai-gets-smarter-who-gets-paid","title":"When AI gets smarter, who gets paid?","summary":"If artificial intelligence produces more, but people earn less, the question is no longer about innovation.","content_html":"
From Liew Li Xuan
\nWhat happens when intelligence becomes abundant, but income begins to disappear?
\nA recent thought experiment by Citrini Research titled “The 2028 Global Intelligence Crisis” imagines a future where artificial intelligence (AI) not only enhances productivity but also erodes the foundations of the economic system itself.
\nIn this scenario, firms increasingly replace highly skilled workers with advanced AI systems. Output continues to grow, yet human income steadily declines. Economies keep producing, but fewer people are able to participate meaningfully in consumption.
\nAt first glance, this may sound exaggerated. Technological change has always displaced some jobs while creating others. However, early signals suggest this wave may be different in both speed and scope.
\nGoldman Sachs estimates that up to 300 million jobs globally could be affected by AI, while McKinsey & Company projects that as much as 30% of current work hours could be automated within this decade.
\nFirms are not only experimenting with AI but beginning to restructure hiring around it. IBM, for instance, has already indicated a pause in recruitment for roles that can be replaced by automation.
\nThe implications are no longer confined to theory. Following the circulation of these ideas, global markets have shown heightened sensitivity to AI narratives. Technology stocks have surged on expectations of productivity gains, while concerns about labour displacement and income inequality have begun to surface in investor discussions.
\nThis divergence reflects a deeper tension. Markets are pricing in efficiency, but not necessarily the long-term stability of demand.
\nThis raises a critical question: if firms become more productive but workers earn less, who sustains consumption?
\nAn economy cannot consume what its people cannot afford to buy.
\nFor Malaysia, this question is particularly urgent. The country already faces structural challenges within its labour market.
\nYouth unemployment remains consistently higher than the national average, and graduate underemployment continues to reflect a mismatch between education and available jobs.
\nAt the same time, the rise of gig work has introduced new forms of income volatility, especially among young Malaysians navigating an increasingly fragmented employment landscape.
\nMalaysia’s social protection architecture, anchored in institutions such as the EPF and Socso was designed for stable, long term employment relationships. That assumption is already eroding.
\nA future in which AI reduces demand for both routine and cognitive labour may widen existing protection gaps, particularly for those in informal or platform-based work.
\nPublic discussion on artificial intelligence in Malaysia has largely focused on innovation, investment, and competitiveness. Initiatives such as the National AI Roadmap and broader digital economy strategies signal strong ambition.
\nYet these conversations remain disproportionately supply focused. Far less attention has been given to how the gains from AI will be distributed and whether existing institutions are equipped to manage large-scale labour disruption.
\nThis points to a deeper structural risk: the decoupling of productivity from wages. If output continues to rise while labour income declines, economic growth becomes increasingly disconnected from lived reality.
\nGrowth without income is not prosperity, it is imbalance.
\nArtificial intelligence should not be viewed solely as a source of risk. Its potential to enhance productivity, improve public services, and support economic development is significant.
\nThe challenge is not whether AI should be adopted, but how it should be governed.
\nMalaysia will need to move beyond broad commitments to innovation and begin addressing distributional questions more directly.
\nThis includes expanding social protection systems to reflect non-traditional forms of work, strengthening access to reskilling and lifelong learning, and exploring mechanisms to ensure that productivity gains are more widely shared.
\nFirms that benefit disproportionately from AI driven efficiencies may also need to contribute more directly to workforce transition efforts.
\nFor young Malaysians, this is not simply a question of employment. It is a question of whether the social contract itself will evolve.
\nEducation has long been seen as the pathway to upward mobility, but if AI begins to substitute the very cognitive skills that education seeks to build, this assumption may no longer hold in the same way.
\nThe most significant risk is not that artificial intelligence advances too quickly, but that institutions and policies fail to keep pace.
\nBy the time large scale displacement becomes visible, the economic and social costs may already be deeply embedded.
\nThe scenario outlined by Citrini Research may not unfold in its most extreme form. But it forces a necessary shift in perspective.
\nThe real concern is not that machines are becoming more capable, but whether society can adapt in a way that remains fair, inclusive, and sustainable.
\nIf artificial intelligence produces more, but people earn less, the question is no longer about innovation.
\nIt is about who gets to participate in the future economy.
\n\n
Liew Li Xuan is a youth advocate and founder of LifeUp Malaysia, an organisation dedicated to digital well-being, preventing cyberbullying and promoting scam awareness. She is an FMT reader.
\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.
\n","content_text":"From Liew Li Xuan\nWhat happens when intelligence becomes abundant, but income begins to disappear?\nA recent thought experiment by Citrini Research titled “The 2028 Global Intelligence Crisis” imagines a future where artificial intelligence (AI) not only enhances productivity but also erodes the foundations of the economic system itself.\nIn this scenario, firms increasingly replace highly skilled workers with advanced AI systems. Output continues to grow, yet human income steadily declines. Economies keep producing, but fewer people are able to participate meaningfully in consumption.\nAt first glance, this may sound exaggerated. Technological change has always displaced some jobs while creating others. However, early signals suggest this wave may be different in both speed and scope.\nGoldman Sachs estimates that up to 300 million jobs globally could be affected by AI, while McKinsey & Company projects that as much as 30% of current work hours could be automated within this decade.\nFirms are not only experimenting with AI but beginning to restructure hiring around it. IBM, for instance, has already indicated a pause in recruitment for roles that can be replaced by automation.\nThe implications are no longer confined to theory. Following the circulation of these ideas, global markets have shown heightened sensitivity to AI narratives. Technology stocks have surged on expectations of productivity gains, while concerns about labour displacement and income inequality have begun to surface in investor discussions.\nThis divergence reflects a deeper tension. Markets are pricing in efficiency, but not necessarily the long-term stability of demand.\nThis raises a critical question: if firms become more productive but workers earn less, who sustains consumption?\nAn economy cannot consume what its people cannot afford to buy.\nFor Malaysia, this question is particularly urgent. The country already faces structural challenges within its labour market.\nYouth unemployment remains consistently higher than the national average, and graduate underemployment continues to reflect a mismatch between education and available jobs.\nAt the same time, the rise of gig work has introduced new forms of income volatility, especially among young Malaysians navigating an increasingly fragmented employment landscape.\nMalaysia’s social protection architecture, anchored in institutions such as the EPF and Socso was designed for stable, long term employment relationships. That assumption is already eroding.\nA future in which AI reduces demand for both routine and cognitive labour may widen existing protection gaps, particularly for those in informal or platform-based work.\nPublic discussion on artificial intelligence in Malaysia has largely focused on innovation, investment, and competitiveness. Initiatives such as the National AI Roadmap and broader digital economy strategies signal strong ambition.\nYet these conversations remain disproportionately supply focused. Far less attention has been given to how the gains from AI will be distributed and whether existing institutions are equipped to manage large-scale labour disruption.\nThis points to a deeper structural risk: the decoupling of productivity from wages. If output continues to rise while labour income declines, economic growth becomes increasingly disconnected from lived reality.\nGrowth without income is not prosperity, it is imbalance.\nArtificial intelligence should not be viewed solely as a source of risk. Its potential to enhance productivity, improve public services, and support economic development is significant.\nThe challenge is not whether AI should be adopted, but how it should be governed.\nMalaysia will need to move beyond broad commitments to innovation and begin addressing distributional questions more directly.\nThis includes expanding social protection systems to reflect non-traditional forms of work, strengthening access to reskilling and lifelong learning, and exploring mechanisms to ensure that productivity gains are more widely shared.\nFirms that benefit disproportionately from AI driven efficiencies may also need to contribute more directly to workforce transition efforts.\nFor young Malaysians, this is not simply a question of employment. It is a question of whether the social contract itself will evolve.\nEducation has long been seen as the pathway to upward mobility, but if AI begins to substitute the very cognitive skills that education seeks to build, this assumption may no longer hold in the same way.\nThe most significant risk is not that artificial intelligence advances too quickly, but that institutions and policies fail to keep pace.\nBy the time large scale displacement becomes visible, the economic and social costs may already be deeply embedded.\nThe scenario outlined by Citrini Research may not unfold in its most extreme form. But it forces a necessary shift in perspective.\nThe real concern is not that machines are becoming more capable, but whether society can adapt in a way that remains fair, inclusive, and sustainable.\nIf artificial intelligence produces more, but people earn less, the question is no longer about innovation.\nIt is about who gets to participate in the future economy.\n \nLiew Li Xuan is a youth advocate and founder of LifeUp Malaysia, an organisation dedicated to digital well-being, preventing cyberbullying and promoting scam awareness. She is an FMT reader.\nThe views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.","date_published":"2026-04-16T01:30:26.000Z","author":{"name":"Letter to the Editor"},"tags":["Highlight","Letters","Opinion","Top Opinion","AI","Citrini Research","consumption","Economy","Employment","risks"],"image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/b12fda17-artificial-intelligence-ai-laptop-230424.webp","banner_image":"https://media.freemalaysiatoday.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/b12fda17-artificial-intelligence-ai-laptop-230424.webp"}]}