When Hamzah Zainudin, Bersatu’s deputy president, was sacked in February, all eyes were fixed on his next move.

At one point in time, it appeared certain that he would seize control of an obscure party, rebrand it, and eventually align it with Perikatan Nasional.

Except for one major issue: starting afresh without a “big brother” may turn out to be problematic.

Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s Bersatu rose swiftly to prominence through its partnership with Pakatan Harapan. The former prime minister’s stature, and widespread discontent toward Najib Razak, gave the party the momentum it needed.

If Hamzah were to launch a new outfit, he might attempt a similar strategy—by positioning PAS as the “big brother.” The problem is Muhyiddin Yassin, Hamzah’s self-proclaimed number one enemy,  who is likely to stand in his way.

Muhyiddin may even threaten to pull Bersatu out of PN in protest if Hamzah were to be brought in.

PAS is unlikely to want that as it still needs Bersatu for political balance, even if the party has little need for Muhyiddin himself. On top of that, PAS would also need Ikatan Prihatin Rakyat, which Muhyiddin set up.

In essence, PAS has a lot more to lose if Bersatu quits PN.

Making PAS a “big brother” may also be a risky move for Hamzah and his allies.

For one, PAS would dominate seat negotiations. With the lion’s share of parliamentary seats, the party wields enough clout to dictate how seats are allocated among the PN components.

It is safe to assume PAS will grab most of the winnable seats and hand its allies, including Hamzah’s new party, the less favourable ones.

Alternatively, Hamzah and his posse could join PAS, but even that comes with risks for both sides.

The Larut MP would no longer be in a position of power and may suffer the same fate as former Umno man, Annuar Musa—these days a spokesman with no real authority.

Malay politics revolves around grassroots support and loyalty to leaders, and—apart from Islam—lacks a distinct ideological foundation.

However, Hamzah and his allies appear to have little exposure to the Islamic reformist tradition championed by the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement (Abim), Pertubuhan Ikram Malaysia (Ikram), and, at one time, PAS.

How then would he fit into this narrative?

It would require far more than donning a green jersey and a skullcap to convince Malay voters that one truly prioritises the hereafter above all else.

Would he also now be expected to weave Quranic verses into his speeches to prove he is indeed worthy of support from Malay voters?

Hamzah joining PAS could also prove detrimental to the party itself.

Unlike a jilted politician nursing grievances over a lost post, the former home minister is a street‑smart operator with the ability to command a loyal following.

The ulama faction in PAS is well aware of this. While Hamzah may not pose an immediate threat, his presence could embolden the party’s professional faction to challenge the clerics at some point.

So, welcoming him into the fold could turn out to be a double‑edged sword.

As much as Hamzah could help the opposition mount a serious challenge against PH and Barisan Nasional at the polls, he could potentially turn out to be the very agent that weakens the ulama faction’s stranglehold on the party.

On the flip side, Hamzah could be a moderating force to counter religious hardliners in the opposition, which would augur well for Malaysians in the long run.

The potential—and the threat—that Hamzah brings to the table, should he choose to join PAS instead of forming his own party, may well explain why PAS-led PN is dragging its feet over naming a new opposition leader.

In the circumstances, it would be wrong to accuse PAS of being plagued by uncertainty or to label it a directionless party. It is simply being strategic by playing the waiting game.

In the end, PAS may well have the last laugh—by being able to absorb Hamzah and his coterie of Bersatu rebels while keeping Bersatu in PN.

Malaysians will just have to sit back and watch the drama unfold.

The views expressed are those of the writer and do not necessarily reflect those of FMT.