Both men once held the influential deputy president’s post in their respective parties – Rafizi in PKR, Hamzah in Bersatu – before striking out on their own.
Rafizi, together with former PKR vice-president Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, has taken over the reins of Parti Bersama Malaysia, positioning it as a fresh alternative in the reformist camp.
Hamzah, meanwhile, has unveiled his “Reset” movement, a banner under which he hopes to reshape the conservative bloc and rally disenchanted voters.
Hisommudin Bakar of Ilham Centre said both men remain significant players in the political arena, describing them as influential “political operators”.
“The most obvious similarity is that they served as deputy presidents in their respective parties, a post that is not just symbolic in nature. They were part of an elite group that determined the party’s direction,” he told FMT.
Both later become openly critical of their party leader and are now trying to build legitimacy for their new political movements, he said.
Hamzah was sacked from Bersatu in February, while Rafizi quit PKR in May.
But Hisommudin said the similarities largely stop there.
Hamzah, he said, is taking the more traditional political approach, built around party networks, grassroots structures and behind-the-scenes negotiations. Rafizi, on the other hand, is focused on digital campaigning and issue-based politics.
Rafizi, he said, understands that modern politics no longer relies solely on ceramahs and party meetings.
“He builds influence through podcasts, social media, and consistently structured political narratives aimed at attracting younger and anti-establishment voters.”
Hisommudin was commenting on comparisons made by social media users between Rafizi and Hamzah.
Mazlan Ali of Universiti Teknologi Malaysia said Rafizi’s politics was more focused on reformist ideals linked to governance, transparency and civil society activism.
“Rafizi’s politics focuses on data and civil society movements such as Bersih, as well as issues such as transparency,” he said when contacted.
Mazlan said Rafizi was looking to woo urban youths, fence-sitters and non-Malay voters who were more interested in issues rather than party loyalty.
“They (the voters in these groups) look at issues such as the economy, job opportunities, AI, IT and the future,” he added.
However, Mazlan said Rafizi faces structural challenges, pointing out that any new solo movement would have to survive within Malaysia’s coalition-driven political environment.
He said Hamzah’s opportunity lies in positioning himself as PAS’s strategic partner, especially as more Bersatu grassroots leaders and division chiefs appear to be shifting their support towards him.
Former PKR vice-president Tian Chua said Rafizi faces competition from an already crowded reformist party arena that includes PKR, DAP and Warisan.
On Hamzah, Tian Chua said his biggest challenge was not visibility but survival within an increasingly crowded Malay political ecosystem where PAS had emerged as the dominant force.
“When you already have three Malay-dominant parties competing within the same political space as Perikatan Nasional, the question becomes how seats and influence are distributed,” he said.
He added that while former home minister Hamzah’s organisational and support structures may currently appear stronger than Rafizi’s, he is nonetheless operating in an arena increasingly shaped and dominated by PAS.
“Rafizi is a strong orator and very good at attracting attention. But elections are ultimately based on good structure and grassroots machinery,” the former Batu MP said.